Strengthening local political leadership through institutional design: how and why

ABSTRACT

Over recent decades, the institutions of political leadership have been criticised for being caught up in outdated designs that are not adapting to societal changes. In many western countries, this diagnosis has spurred design reforms aimed at strengthening political leadership at the local level. Based on a study of reforms in Norwegian and Danish municipalities, this article first develops a typology of reforms aimed at strengthening local political leadership. Leadership reforms are categorised into four types aimed at strengthening Executive, Collective, Collaborative, or Distributive political leadership. The typology is used to map the prevalence of the different types of reforms in the two countries. The results show that design reforms as such are more widespread in Danish than in Norwegian municipalities. In particular, reforms aimed at strengthening Distributive political leadership are used more extensively in Denmark than in Norway. The article discusses the contextual differences that may explain this variation.     

Democracy and the demand for government redistribution: A survey analysis

This article uses survey data to study the impact of democracy on the demand by poor citizens for government redistribution. Taking the well‐known Meltzer‐Richard theory as the point of departure, three arguments are presented as to why such a demand should be stronger in democracies than in autocracies: in democracies low‐income groups are: (1) exposed to elections that can make a policy difference: (2) better informed about the income distribution; and (3) better equipped to process such information. The argument receives empirical support in a Bayesian multilevel analysis which combines 188 World Values Surveys with cross‐sectional and longitudinal macro data from 80 countries.     

Analyses of Beverage Remains in Drug Rape Cases Revealing Drug Residues ‐ The Possibility of Contamination from Drug Concentrated Oral Fluid or Oral Cavity Contained Tablets

In drug‐facilitated sexual assault (DFSA) cases, drug residues may be detected in beverage remains found in cups or glasses known to have been used by the victims. In this small naturalistic study, the possibility of beverages being contaminated, either by drug concentrated oral fluid or by oral cavity contained tablets, was investigated. Analysis of residues from cups containing soft drinks was performed by immunoassay and ultra‐performance liquid chromatography‐mass spectrometry (UPLC‐MS/MS). Beverage with both added tablets and spiked oral fluid was investigated, as well as simulation of swallowing tablets. Only the residues from added tablets were positive with immunoassay, while drugs were detectable in all cups using more sensitive UPLC‐MS/MS. In conclusion, the possibility of detecting drug residues in beverages due to a contamination, from either drug concentrated oral fluid or oral cavity contained tablets at a time of consumption, should be kept in mind when performing sensitive analysis.     

Party Legacies and Institutional Gravity: The Dynamic between Members of Parliament and Assembly Members in Wales

What does the creation of sub-national legislatures entail for the work of parliamentary representatives, and by what guidelines does the cross-level relationship evolve? This article considers the issue in the context of British devolution, relating the analysis of parliamentarians to the question of how parties adapt. The empirical analysis, drawing on a series of interviews with Assembly Members (AMs) and Members of Parliament (MPs) from Labour, the Conservative Party and the Liberal Democrats, shows that the infrastructure for communication between AMs and MPs differs considerably between the parties. Moreover, there are also key differences between parties with regard to how relations between individual representatives are resolved. Drawing upon insights from the institutionalist literature, the paper argues, first, that the creation of sub-national legislatures challenges party cohesiveness and, secondly, that how this challenge is met by the parties is guided by their distinct ideational and organisational legacies with regard to devolution.     

Securitizing “spiritual-moral values” in Russia

This article examines how “spiritual-moral values” (SMV) became securitized, or defined as a matter of national security in Russia. I analyze speech acts to show how moves to securitize SMV spread from the political fringe to the center of power, and from individual sectors to the strategic level. This “moral turn” in Russian politics is not merely a superficial attempt of the elite to distract the masses and rally the conservative electorate. The securitization of SMV has wider implications: It is, in the most direct way, the regime’s way of preventing a “color revolution.” By introducing a “state of siege” to the sphere of fundamental moral values, this securitization aids the construction of a national identity that is incompatible with basic human rights. An existential threat is constructed in order to justify extraordinary measures and establish a new social contract in which modernization is sacrificed at the altar of security.     

Interethnic tolerance,education, and political orientation: Evidence from Denmark

Focusing on the relationship between education and tolerance toward ethnic out-groups in the Danish public, this analysis presents evidence in support of the argument that an important mechanism behind the positive impact of education on tolerance is cognitive constraint: Academic education promotes the ability to connect ideas, and minds equipped with this ability will tend to generalize the norms of the prevailing democratic culture to include ethnic relations. This tendency is particularly apparent when political orientations of the liberal left are added to common democratic norms. The constrained mind that holds left-leaning political beliefs is compelled to express ethnic tolerance. On the other hand, constrained minds permit themselves to be intolerant only when subscribing to right-wing political ideas explicitly at variance with liberal democratic ideals. Interestingly, cognitive constraint is high also in the minority among people lacking in academic education that scores high on tolerance. Compared to their less tolerant peers, the members of this minority are much more likely to be involved in political organizations, for the most part at the ideological left. This indicates that in Denmark such organizations serve a function that in terms of fostering ability to connect ideas is equivalent to the function of academic institutions.     

Schizophrenia in a high-security hospital: long-term forensic,clinical, administrative & social outcomes

Objective: To determine forensic, clinical, social and administrative outcomes of high-security patients. Method: Prospective year follow-up study of 169 patients with schizophrenia, 1992–1993. Results: By the end of the study, 46 (27.2%) patients were in high security, 43 (25.5%) in medium- or low-secure units, 35 (20.7%) in an open ward, 3 (1.8%) in prison and 40 (23.7%) in the community. Violence occurred in 75% of patients over the 10-year follow-up period, and this was serious in 25%. Continuous positive symptoms of psychosis were present in over one-third. One-third had self-harmed during this period but there was only one known suicide and 11 (6.5%) deaths in total. At the end of the study, there was only one person in voluntary employment, 18 (12.7%) living independently and 10 (7.1%) in a relationship. Models were developed to determine factors relevant to these major outcomes. Conclusions: This is the first study providing comprehensive outcome data over a 10-year period. Forensic services appear good at managing the risk to the community but poor at promoting better social outcomes. The levels of violence within inpatient units are high.