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R. Sam Garrett James A. Thurber A. Lee Fritschler David H. Rosenbloom 《Public administration review》2006,66(2):228-240
The literature on the implications of electoral "bureaucracy bashing" for public management is thin. This is partly because of the difficulty of defining basic terms and measuring results in meaningful ways. Using focus group data, this article explores how senior federal managers perceive campaign bureaucracy bashing and assess its consequences. The participants perceive that candidate-based bashing affects federal management on two levels: one emotional, the other programmatic. The emotional impact is pronounced, producing frustration and hostility from senior managers toward political candidates, political appointees, and the media. Senior managers report that bashing adversely affects policy implementation through low morale, poor recruitment, and training and by fostering an environment of distrust toward bureaucracy. Grounded in a diverse literature relating to public administration, the presidency, campaigns and elections, and political communication, this inquiry finds that senior managers confirm many of the speculations these works raise about how bashing affects public employees and public policy. 相似文献
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Although we readily scrutinize conflicts among political stakeholders, similar attention is seldom paid to how we deal with contestable understandings within our own field of inquiry. Debates over competing scholarly perspectives and contested models are rarely subject to any systematic postmortem or attempts to account for differential survival. Given the indeterminacy of many of our conceptual schemes, empirical data seldom carry the day to a resolution all can accept. Accordingly, there are eventually many different versions of any given dispute, each offering a different path to resolution or equanimity. Disputants retire and conflicts fade, providing a demographic resolution of sorts, but not a scientific or a conceptual one. The work presented here claims that there is much to be gained from systematic scrutiny of our conceptual disputes, especially as a means to access the different perspectives we assume to handle them. We argue that there is an internal logic to the different perspectives on any given dispute. It is not the dispute per se that draws our interest; but rather, how any given dispute generates multiple interpretations and reconstructed versions. We propose and illustrate an approach to analyzing disputes that makes their internal logic more transparent and attends to the pathways that emerge for resolution. We will find, in the process, that there are some reliable routes to conciliation and some fault lines that remain unstable. 相似文献
345.
Alexander Thumfart Grit Straßenberger Steffen Ganghof Beate Rosenzweig Oliver Eberl Raimund Ottow Peter Niesen Uwe Wagschal Dirk Jacobi Wolfram Lamping Alf Mintzel Kai-Uwe Schnapp Anna Geis Hanna Kaspar Otmar Jung Ulrich Sieberer Philipp Klages Alexander Warkotsch Christian Lammert Susanne Frölich-Steffen Ralf J. Leiteritz Klaus Schlichte Siegfried Weichlein Claudia Ritter Marcus Höreth Alexander Siedschlag Kolja Raube Wolfgang Muno Helga Haftendorn Armin Pfahl-Traughber Wilhelm Bleek Ralf Zwengel 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2006,47(3):475-543
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
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贫国与富国:基于治理理论的解释 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文通过对荷兰与加纳、新加坡与牙买加、日本与尼日利亚等几组国家进行比较研究,指出国家贫富差别的主要原因在于治理,而非资源。 相似文献
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“Beggar thy Neighbor:” Testing for Free Riding in State-Level Endangered Species Expenditures 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
An important public policy question that remains unresolved iswhether devolution will enhance sensible policy making byexploiting informational asymmetries or, instead, trigger a``beggar thy neighbor'' response and stimulate free ridingamongst localities. We analyze this question within theframework of U.S. environmental policymaking by scrutinizing aunique panel data set on state-level endangered speciesexpenditure patterns. Our empirical estimates are consistentwith the notion that states free ride, which may lead to anexpenditure equilibrium that is not Pareto efficient. 相似文献
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This article constructs a rational choice model of the intergenerational transmission of party identification. At a given time, identification with a party is the estimate of average future benefits from candidates of that party. Experienced voters constantly update this expectation using political events since the last realignment to predict the future in accordance with Bayes Rule. New voters, however, have no experience of their own. In Bayesian terms, they need prior beliefs. It turns out that under certain specified conditions, these young voters should rationally choose to employ parental experience to help orient themselves to politics. The resulting model predicts several well–known features of political socialization, including the strong correlation between parents' and children's partisanship, the greater partisan independence of young voters, and the tendency of partisan alignments to decay. 相似文献