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Celesta A. Albonetti Robert M. Hauser John Hagan Ilene H. Nagel 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》1989,5(1):57-82
Our purpose is to bridge the criminal justice and stratification research literatures and to pursue the argument that homologous structural principles stratify allocation processes across central institutions of American society. The principle observed here in the making of bail decisions, as in earlier studies of the allocation of earnings, is that stratification resources operate to the greater advantage of whites than blacks. The operation of this principle is established through the estimation of covariance structure models of pretrial release decisions affecting 5660 defendants in 10 federal courts. Education and income are treated in this study as observed components of a composite construct, stratification resources, which works to the greater advantage of whites. Prior record is also found to operate to the greater advantage of whites. Two further variables, dangerousness and community ties, increase bail severity among blacks and whites. While the effect of community ties has been legally legitimized since the Bail Reform Act of 1966, the effect of dangerousness was not so legitimized until the Bail Reform Act of 1984. However, because our data precede the latter act, they confirm that this act simply reinstitutionalized earlier practice. Meanwhile, our race-specific findings may explain why although this and earlier studies find negligible main effects of race on criminal justice outcomes, black Americans nonetheless perceive more criminal injustice than do whites. In the criminal justice system, as in other spheres of American society, whites receive a better return on their resources, but our findings that the statutory severity of the offense and dangerousness work to the relative disadvantage of white defendants challenges conflict and labeling theory's one-dimensional characterization of black defendant disadvantage. 相似文献
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John Hagan 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2002,37(2):137-162
Class circumstances follow from as well as causally precede crime, and therelationship between class and crime is highly contingent. This tangled webof causation makes it challenging to meaningfully study links between classand crime. I propose that this tangled causal web can be better understoodif we direct more research to distinctive class settings in which particularkinds of crime occur. This implies directing more research attention to nonrepresentative samples that derive from nonrepresentativesettings, with the goal of increasing our leverage over theoreticallycontingent, class-connected contextual variables. This unconventionalresearch agenda is illustrated through an analysis of the lives of Americanswho resisted the draft and military service in Vietnam by ``dodging' and``deserting' military service and migrating to Canada, a new setting wherethese selective service and military ``criminals' were transformed by theiradopted nation's immigration policy into ``New Canadians' and unexpectedsymbols of Canadian sovereignty. 相似文献
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Frank E. Hagan 《Trends in Organized Crime》2006,9(4):127-137
Despite decades of effort, the search for a universal definition of organized crime has eluded both academics, criminal justice
agencies, as well as international bodies. More than two decades ago, a content analysis of such definitional efforts by this
writer (Hagan, 1983) noted that, while many writers, including those of textbooks, failed to supply explicit definitions of
organized crime, some consensus was apparent. These earlier findings are explored and compared with updated content analyses
of American criminology and criminal justice textbooks and organized crime textbooks. Also discussed are definitions offered
by criminal justice agencies and those by international organizations. A distinction is made between “Organized Crime” groups
and “organized crime,” activities by groups that are organized.
This paper was presented at the Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, Baltimore, Maryland, March 2006. 相似文献
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Liberal legalism noncontroversially advocates procedural fairness and due process in institutions such as the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY). The visible conflicts come with the ebb and flow of international jurisdictional claims, suspicions of racial/ethnic and cultural biases in deliberations and decisions, prioritization of purposes in sentencing decisions, and the intrusion of institutional and international political debates into the liberal legal agenda. These conflicts threaten to create a legitimacy deficit in diffuse support for the ICTY. We examine these conflicts within the context of two surveys about the ICTY conducted in Sarajevo in 2000 and 2003. The results indicate that the citizens of Sarajevo increasingly believe that the ICTY is politically influenced by internationally appointed judges, peaking with the sentencing of Stanislav Galic for the siege of Sarajevo. This conflict focuses on issues of substantive rather than procedural justice and is increasingly articulated as a rejection of international political intervention that subverts the need for a local sense of justice. This may be a sequence of political conflict and disillusionment that is as inevitable as it is unavoidable. 相似文献
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What <Emphasis Type="Italic">America’s Safest City</Emphasis> might tell us about a changing America
John Hagan 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2017,67(5):513-515
America’s Safest City is an essential addition to the classics of criminological control theory, namely Travis Hirschi’s Causes of Delinquency and Robert Sampson’s Great American City. It provides new ideas about empathy and trust, and how social control is layered across institutions of family, schools, and community. America’s Safest City is also about the American Dream of home ownership in advantageous suburban communities. But the American Dream is no longer as accessible to under-employed college graduates; their student debt is at all-time highs, with the return on educational investments increasingly in doubt. Instead of suburbia being a roadway to a good adult life, this paper suggests that it may increasingly look like a suburban “cul de sac.” 相似文献
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