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111.
In an ideal world, there would be a seamless relationship between interventions that focus on risk factors causally associated
with sexual reoffending and the subsequent release of, and ongoing support for, offenders into the community. However, emotionally
fueled and uninformed public responses to news of released sex offenders, and the legislation such responses have inspired,
severely hinder this process. Our aims in this paper are to review findings of research on community attitudes about sex offenders
within a desistance framework. More specifically, we provide a synthesis of the current research literature on attitudes towards
sex offenders. Second, we consider in more detail those studies that include community member samples. Third, we review interventions
aimed at promoting attitude change amongst professionals working with sex offenders and finally formulate some recommendations
for promoting positive attitude change amongst the general public. 相似文献
112.
During the last few decades, criminologists have identified several adult roles and statuses, including employment, positive family relations, and economic stability, as critical for promoting successful reintegration and desistance. Very few researchers, however, have investigated the conditions that serve to bring about these transitions and successes crucial for behavior change. As a complement to a burgeoning amount of literature on the impact of incarceration on health, we emphasize the reverse: Health has important implications for reentry outcomes and reincarceration. Informed by multiple disciplines, we advance a health‐based model of desistance in which both mental and physical dimensions of health affect life chances in the employment and family realms and ultimately recidivism. Investigating this issue with longitudinal data from the Serious and Violent Offender Reentry Initiative (SVORI) and structural equation models, we find overall support for the health‐based model of desistance. Our results indicate several significant pathways through which both manifestations of health influence employment, family conflict, financial problems, and crime and reincarceration. The findings highlight the need for implementation of correctional and transitional policies to improve health among the incarcerated and avert health‐related reentry failures. 相似文献
113.
The Criminal Justice and Immigration Act 2008 criminalizes the possession of extreme pornography, namely, images of bestiality, necrophilia, and life-threatening or serious violence, and is the immediate context for this article which seeks to present a pragmatic liberal humanist critique of pornography regulation. Such a critique, derived in particular from the writings of Nussbaum and Rorty, presents an alternative case for regulation, eschewing the visceral competing fundamentalisms which characterized the 'porn wars' of the 1980s and 1990s. Whilst moral and epistemological philosophers squabble with radical feminists and radical libertarians, extreme pornography can nurture real injustice and ruin real lives. A pragmatic liberal humanism demands a pragmatic response to extreme pornography. The first part of this article will revisit the longer history of the 'porn wars'; the second describes the parameters of a pragmatic liberal humanist critique; the third examines the shorter history of pornography regulation written into the provisions now enacted in the 2008 Act. 相似文献
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Ian Ward 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》1999,45(3):311-330
The comparative study of electioneering is an emerging field. One of its driving concerns has been to chart the Americanisation or convergence of campaigning methods employed in very different settings. Sometimes the assumption is made that this convergence began with the recognition - first in the USA - that winning elections demands the skilful use of television. A comparison of the early use of radio in election campaigns in Australia and Canada demonstrates that the Americanisation of campaigning pre-dates the advent of television. There are clearly gaps in what is known about the early use of the wireless for political broadcasting in Australia. However in 1923-24 E.R. Voigt visited the US and, on his return, urged the NSW Trades Hall to establish 2KY for propaganda purposes. In the 1930s the NSW Labor leader Jack Lang was quick to adopt the fire-side chat formula devised for Franklin Roosevelt. In the 1940s R.G. Menzies, the founder of the Liberal Party, also came to see radio as a powerful weapon after observing its political use in USA. Not surprisingly the 1949 Liberal campaign which returned Menzies to power made extensive use of radio. It is often remembered for its John Henry Austral radio ads which are claimed as a breakthrough, but which appear to imitate earlier US and Canadian election campaigns - notably the Canadian Tories Mr Sage broadcasts of 1935. 相似文献
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Carolyn M. Ward 《Crime, Law and Social Change》1996,26(2):161-186
Policing in the inner-city neighborhood of Hyde Park is evaluated against a backdrop of racial polarization within the city of St. Louis and political pressures upon the St. Louis Metropolitan Police Department (SLMPD). Data garnered from immersion into Hyde Park community life, participation in and observation of numerous police/community meetings, document analyses, a focus group session with rank-and-file police officers, interviews with a sergeant and the captain of the Police Fifth District, and numerous informal conversations with residents and police officers provide evidence of poor community/police relationships. The data also provide evidence—on the part of police—of racial bias, lack of and/or poor understanding of the underlying causes of criminal behavior, pervading adventure and excitement lures toward police work, and a less than adequate understanding of the community oriented problemsolving (COPS) policing initiative. An underlying theme of little or absent informed locus of control at various levels regarding policing practices links issues of poor police/community relationships and the influence of racial bias and political pressures. 相似文献
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