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Internal migration of the rural poor to urban areas in all Third World countries is the so-called "largest migratory movement in human history." This trend is true for many reasons. Conditions make village life, based on small-scale or subsistence agriculture, less and less bearable. Governmental programs for development seem to concentrate and overinvest in urban areas, to the disadvantage of the countryside. Urban areas have always held a romantic attraction. Modern-day urban areas also offer employment and educational opportunities unequalled in rural areas. The rural poor in many parts of the Third World seem to be getting poorer while the urban poor can at least keep pace with the cost of living. 相似文献
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Janette Hancock 《Women's history review》2013,22(3):435-450
Jane Sarah Doudy was a writer who often wrote to project an image of an ideal colonial community. Embedded within this literary construction were very clear ideas about cultural norms, colonial patriotism and racial hierarchies. Her literary works, however, have been shelved and forgotten for the better part of seventy‐five years. They have been revisited here to provide a fresh new site for acknowledging the political, cultural and historical significance of white settler women’s narratives and for understanding how one woman’s ‘dialogue of domination’ reveals much about the complex interracial boundaries and relationships that often occurred on the fringes of empire. 相似文献
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Ralph C. Hancock 《Society》2013,50(5):486-488
Peter Lawler intelligently challenges conservatives to make the best of Lockean individualism, to recognize its natural limits and its debt to Christianity, and he downplays Tocqueville’s concern that a loss of virtue must lead to a rise in statism. But he does not see clearly enough that individualism and statism have always been two sides of the same coin, or that the Christian pedigree of Lockean individualism is not necessarily good news. It is true enough that individual liberty will always depend upon virtue, but it does not follow that liberty will always generate virtue. If the failure of virtue does not lead to statism, then where it does lead may still not be very pretty. 相似文献
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If Tocqueville emphasizes, at times, the tendency of Americanfederalism toward consolidation and, at other times, its tendencytoward disintegration, this is not because he is confused butbecause he is keenly aware of the difficulty of combining theadvantages of bigness with those of smallness. Americans havesucceeded in producing such a combination, not through a simpleaggregation of institutional mechanisms but through a synthesisthat reaches to the heart of American civilizationa fusionof dynamism with comfort, of the ideology of popular sovereigntywith the practice of responsible self-government, of calculatedself-interest with spontaneous public virtue, and of enlightenmentwith tradition. Because the Enlightenment, the embodiment ofthis synthesis, provides no ground in its pure form for humandignity, Tocqueville seeks to speak on behalf of those institutionsof federalism that root the idealism of citizens in the realexperience of responsible self-government. 相似文献
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Landon E. Hancock 《国际研究展望》2001,2(2):195-205
This paper examines different conceptions of ripeness to evaluate their usefulness to war termination theory and practice. After examining the objective and subjective elements of ripeness, it suggests that the first definitions can be linked by using bureaucratic decisionmaking models and two-table negotiating models. This article concludes that ripeness can be enhanced through a systematic combination of its objective and subjective elements within a framework of possible policy options and intervention actions. It stresses that collaboration and communication between Track I and Track II intervenors is the key to transforming ripeness from a condition to a goal. 相似文献