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111.
Stephen Kershnar 《Law and Philosophy》2007,26(5):437-463
In two recent cases, Grutter v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 306. (2003) and Gratz v. Bollinger, 539 U.S. 244. (2003), the Supreme
Court held that the Equal Protection Clause permitted state schools to use race-sensitive admissions in order to obtain the
educational benefits that flow from a diverse student body. The diversity-based argument for race-sensitive admissions, scholarships,
awards, and other opportunities at universities should have been rejected because it does not consider the full range of costs
and benefits and because the more narrow educational effects probably weigh against such programs. However, this does not
suggest that applicants’ race, ethnicity, and gender should be ignored. Rather the same consideration that led to the defeat
of the diversity argument, i.e., reasoning capacity, supports the consideration of demographic factors. However, attention
to such factors further undermines the consequentialist case for affirmative action. 相似文献
112.
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114.
Environmental liability and harmonization in the presence of transboundary effects and hidden assets
Henry van Egteren R. Todd Smith Andrew Eckert 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2006,22(2):143-163
Within the context of transboundary disputes, this paper seeks to determine which liability concept, negligence or strict
liability, performs better when assets are secure against foreign claims for transboundary damages. Our results indicate that,
if assets are hidden from foreign claims, strict liability will not implement the socially optimal outcome, but neither will
negligence. However, even though the socially optimal outcome is not always achieved, strict liability weakly dominates negligence.
These results suggest that the harmonization of statues that deal with transboundary pollution should be based on strict liability
not negligence.
JEL classification K32 · Q5
Smith and Eckert both thank SSHRC of Canada for financial assistance. We thank two referees for valuable comments that greatly
improved the paper and Matt Smith for his research assistance. All remaining errors are our responsibility. 相似文献
115.
116.
Wolfgang Durner 《Natur und Recht》2010,32(12):900-900
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119.
This paper aims to review randomized experiments in criminology with offending outcomes and reasonably large numbers that were published between 1982 and 2004. A total of 83 experiments are summarized, compared with only 35 published between 1957 and 1981: 12 on policing, 13 on prevention, 14 on corrections, 22 on courts, and 22 on community interventions. Randomized experiments are still relatively uncommon, but there have been more large-scale multi-site experiments and replication programs. There have also been several experiments in which 100 or more places were randomly assigned. Relatively few experiments (only 10 out of 83) were conducted outside the United States. Meta-analyses suggest that prevention methods, correctional therapy, batterer programs, drug courts, juvenile restitution and deterrent policing were effective in reducing offending, while Scared Straight and boot camp programs caused a significant increase in offending. 相似文献
120.
Christopher R. Hughes 《当代中国》2005,14(43):247-267
This article critically appraises the narrative of nationalist resurgence in China in the 1990s that structures much of the secondary literature on Chinese politics since Tiananmen. Adopting a post-structuralist method, Chinese texts from the 1990s are treated as discursive rather than as expressions of a common consensus, emergent ideology or political movement. This makes it possible to bring out the disparate points of view concerning the desirability of nationalism for China and to understand the strategies that are being deployed by authors within the context of everyday Chinese politics. It also reveals the significance of the absence from both the primary and the secondary texts of any mention of the advocacy of nationalism by the political leadership. When this hidden discourse is taken into account, it becomes evident that many of the texts that have been taken as expressions of a nationalist revival are either not particularly interested in nationalism or are highly sceptical concerning its possibilities for solving the problems faced by the Chinese state. Particularly significant is the way in which many of the texts locate themselves in relation to the official discourse on nationalism by appropriating its themes in order to promote and legitimate a wide range of other discourses with which it can be bound up, ranging from democracy to authoritarianism. 相似文献