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221.
Harold C. Relyea 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(1):117-129
Adopted by Congress in 1966, the Freedom of Information Act was implemented by the Executlve Branch with little interest or commitment. In the aftermath or the declsive amendment of the statute in 1974, the departments and agencies set about reforming their administration of the Act and complying with its new requirements. Of late, however, this sltuatlon has eroded, partlcularly among law enforcement and intelligence entitles, and an attack is being made upon tne FOIA in terms of its administrative costs. This article examlnes these allegacions and the cost problems attendant to this law. 相似文献
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Harold M. Greenberg 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):687-694
Many scholars and other writers have dismissed the 1954 Doolittle Commission as an Eisenhower administration tactic to protect CIA covert operations from congressional investigation. Evidence about the commission and its report, however, suggests that this view may be incomplete. Clarification of the commission's precise purpose may serve the wider study of US covert action policy in the 1950s and congressional oversight of the CIA. In particular, the report's recommendations for bold covert action abroad may reveal how administration covert action policy attracted congressional attention to the CIA. 相似文献
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Harold S. Klein 《Journal of Arts Management, Law & Society》2013,43(1):19-29
Discourse about the impact of art has been prominent in academic and arts industry discourse over the past two decades. Contention in the discourse has led to the call for new research frameworks that place the experience of the individual as central to understanding the impact of art. The authors present the background of this discourse and outline narrative inquiry as a research method that elicits individual experiences. The authors present the findings of a narrative inquiry and establish that the way individuals experience art and its impact is far broader in scope than previous research suggests. 相似文献
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Harold D. Clarke Allan Kornberg Thomas J. Scotto Jason Reifler David Sanders Marianne C. Stewart Paul Whiteley 《Electoral Studies》2011,30(3):450-461
The claim that the 2008 presidential election was a transformative one is fast becoming part of the conventional wisdom of American politics. Despite the election’s undoubted significance, this paper argues that factors affecting voting decisions were strikingly similar to those operating in many previous presidential elections. Using data from the CCAP six-wave national election survey, we demonstrate that a valence politics model provides a powerful, parsimonious explanation of the ballot decisions Americans made in 2008. As is typical in presidential elections, candidate images had major effects on electoral choice. Controlling for several other relevant factors, racial attitudes were strongly associated with how voters reacted to the candidates. Other models of electoral choice, such as a Downsian issue-proximity model, are also relevant, but their explanatory power is considerably less than that provided by the valence politics model. 相似文献
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Changes in the demographic and socioeconomic conditions of 627cities between 1970 and 1980 are examined using simple comparisonof means and correlational analytic techniques. Cities are groupedaccording to their type (Central city; suburb), regional location,and rate of population growth (decline). Major changes occurredin employment patterns, income levels, economic bases, racialcomposition, and social pathologies (crime rates)allmeasures of urban stress. These conditions tended to clusterin certain types of cities: large, declining central citiesof the Northeast and Midwest. But population decline and regionallocation were not found to be independent determinants of urbandistress. National and regional economic trends, especiallychanges in the vitality of the metropolitan area in which acity is located. were the primary determinants. 相似文献
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