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Alasdair Roberts 《Public administration review》2020,80(4):603-609
This millennium began with widespread acceptance of a governing paradigm emphasizing small government, free markets, and open borders. Three crises—the 9/11 attacks, the 2008 financial crisis, and the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic—forced American policy makers to diverge from this paradigm. At the time, these divergences were described as temporary departures from normalcy. In retrospect, it would be more accurate to regard the millennial paradigm itself as the abnormality: a model of governance designed for rare moments of calm. In the last two decades, a different paradigm has emerged. American government has become the ultimate bearer of societal risks. Repeatedly, it has adopted extraordinary measures to protect public safety and the economy. However, the American state lacks the capacity to anticipate and manage these massive risks competently. New capabilities are required, along with a new mentality about governing. Domestic politics will complicate the task of building these capabilities. 相似文献
654.
Heather Hodges Colin Kuehl Sarah E. Anderson Phillip J. Ehret Cameron Brick 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2020,39(4):1076-1099
As populations increase and droughts intensify, water providers are using tools such as persuasive messaging to decrease residential water use. However, district-led messaging campaigns are rarely informed by psychological science, evaluated for effectiveness, or strategically disseminated. In collaboration with a water district, we report a field experiment among single-family households using persuasive messaging based on the information-motivation-behavioral skills model (IMB). We randomly assigned 10,000 households to receive different mailings and measured household water use. All messaging reduced water consumption relative to the control. On average, water use dropped 0.68 hundred cubic feet (HCF) (509 gallons) per household in the first month. Had all 10,000 single-family, occupied, non-agricultural residences been mailed the IMB messaging, more than five million gallons would have been saved in the first month. The effects declined but persisted for approximately three months and were three to six times greater in households with high water use (75th to 90th percentiles) relative to average water use. These findings suggest that combining message elements from the IMB model can reduce residential water use and that targeting high-use households is particularly cost-effective. 相似文献
655.
Heather A. Turner Kimberly J. Mitchell Lisa Jones Anne Shattuck 《Journal of school violence》2017,16(1):1-24
Although there are widely held assumptions about the characteristics of peer bullying that are of greatest concern, very few studies have empirically assessed which characteristics most affect its impact. The current research addresses this gap by using a nationally representative U.S. sample of youth ages 10–20 to examine the relative effects of a variety of potentially aggravating incident characteristics on emotional, physical health, and school-related outcomes. Findings show support for power imbalance and duration (a stronger predictor than repetition) as incident characteristics that exacerbate the negative impact of peer harassment. However, several other incident characteristics have substantial effects with or without the presence of these qualities. Injury, sexual content, involvement of multiple perpetrators, and hate/bias components of peer harassment incidents each increased at least one negative outcome. Findings point to several features of peer harassment that can provide a basis for prioritizing victimization experiences in greatest need of intervention efforts. 相似文献
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Geoffrey K. Roberts 《West European politics》2013,36(4):202-207
The Unification Process in Germany. From Dictatorship to Democracy. By Gert‐Joachim Glaessner. London: Pinter, 1992. Pp.viii + 248, index. £37.50. ISBN 1–85567–015–1. German Unification. Process and Outcomes. Edited by M. Donald Hancock and Helga A. Walsh. Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press, 1994. Pp.x + 393, biblio, index. £11.95 (paperback). ISBN 0–8133–1965‐X. Die Gestaltung der Deutschen Einheit. Edited by Eckhard Jesse and Armin Mitter. Bonn: Bouvier Verlag, 1992. Pp.447, chronology, biblio. DM 30. ISBN 3–416–02364–1. United Germany and the New Europe. Edited by Heinz D. Hurz. Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1993. Pp.xviii + 333, index. £49.95. ISBN 1–85278–584–5. German Reunification. A Reference Guide and Commentary By Jonathan Osmond et al. Harlow: Longman, 1992. Pp.xiii + 311, 3 maps, chronologies, biblio, index. £55. ISBN 0–582–09650–2. The Diplomacy of German Unification. By Stephen F. Szabo. New York: St Martin's Press, 1992. Pp.xiv + 162, chronology, biblio, index. £22.95. ISBN 0–312–08057–3. Handworterbuch zur deutschen Einheit. Edited by Werner Weidenfeld and Karl‐Rudolf Korte. Frankfurt, New York: Campus Verlag, 1992. Pp.800, index. DM. 8 (paperback). ISBN 3–593–34583–8. 相似文献
658.
ABSTRACTTo shed some light on longstanding questions around gentrification, in this research we model environmental gentrification and gentrification-related displacement of residents. We do this through the development of an agent-based model of a simple urban region, considering different urban contexts and policy approaches to polluted facilities and the relationship of these policies with subsequent gentrification and displacement. We find that gentrification-related displacement is most likely, and most impactful, in urban regions characterized by high levels of density and low levels of residential segregation preferences. Displacement is far less prevalent in low-density regions, particularly those with high segregation preferences. We discuss the potential for different policy implications in these different urban contexts. 相似文献
659.
Heather Marquette 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1871-1890
This article critically analyses the state-building agenda from a governance and aid policy perspective, and from an anti-corruption viewpoint in particular, highlighting potential problems with both theoretical and practical applications of state building in a development context. Inconsistencies and contradictions between the state building and anti-corruption work have not been adequately explored or reconciled. In particular, the article explores these tensions using the example of the Performance-Based Governors' Fund (pbgf) in Afghanistan, where some donors are looking to reduce corruption in local government, encouraging often ‘warlord’ governors to run their administrative offices with integrity. The article argues that the pbgf approach—with its themes of being realistic, going for indirect strategies over the long term and building integrity rather than fighting corruption, provide important lessons for the anti-corruption community as a whole, both at the level of theory and practice. 相似文献
660.
Adrienne Roberts 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(5):949-968
Business now plays an increasingly prominent role in development. While the implicit links between private actors and international development institutions have been widely debated, the explicit role of financial corporations in shaping official development policy has been less well documented. We employ a feminist Marxian analysis to examine the material and discursive landscape of the 2012 World Development Report: Gender Equality and Development. Its exclusive focus on gender equality as ‘smart economics’, and the central role accorded to leading financial corporations like Goldman Sachs in the formulation of the key World Bank recommendations enable us to explore the changing landscape of the neoliberal corporatisation of development. We argue, first, that the apolitical and ahistorical representation of gender and gender equality in the wdr serves to normalise spaces of informality and insecurity, thereby expunging neoliberal-led capitalist relations of exploitation and domination, which characterise the social context in which many women in the global South live. Second, the wdr represents the interest of corporations in transforming the formerly excluded segments of the South (women) into consumers and entrepreneurs. The wdr thus represents an attempt by the World Bank and its ‘partners’ to deepen and consolidate the fundamental values and tenets of capitalist interests. 相似文献