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201.
Journal of Experimental Criminology - When offenders or victims are randomly assigned to receive experimental vs. current treatments, the external validity of results may depend on whether...  相似文献   
202.
The reinventing government movement of the 1990s reshaped the public sector in significant ways. Creating a government that worked better and cost less was accomplished through streamlined federal middle management ranks and privatized service delivery, which contributed to the emergence of a “hollow state.” Workforce reductions that addressed short‐term economic realities effectively threatened the long‐term sustainability of governmental organizations and the communities they serve. A variety of forces are now ushering in a new era of hollow government, including a changing context for public work, shifting bureaucratic expectations, and reduced capacity for workforce management. The public sector and its employees represent an important contributor to the vitality of our economy and communities. Revitalizing the public sector workforce is critical for revitalizing the middle class, and both represent urgent policy priorities.  相似文献   
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Numerous scholars have investigated religiously motivated violence, particularly in the wake of September 11, including discussions on the role of modernity in triggering religious violence, the increasing presence of religion in politics, the violence-prone nature of certain religions, and religion's correlation with ethnicity and other conflict-intensifying variables. However, religious activism and violence are not new phenomena. Few theories have been advanced that move across time and space and, broadly, seek to explain the conditions under which religion becomes involved in activism and violence. This article argues that three broad causal arguments for religious activism—social movements, fundamentalism, and apocalyptic warriors—help explain the conditions under which religiously motivated violence occurs across time and space. These three causal arguments offer a spectrum of goals within religious activism, ranging from challenging social practices and government policies, to defending specific interpretations and practices of the faith, to hastening the apocalypse. Furthermore, each of these theories proposes different ways that religion becomes involved in social, political, and religious activism and the conditions under which groups use violence to further their goals. The article concludes by suggesting countermeasures for each type of religious activism.  相似文献   
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Abstract

Policymakers, school officials and the law enforcement community have expanded legal tools and other strategies to address bullying in recent years. This has resulted in a larger and more challenging role for law enforcement officers working in school settings. The present study seeks to understand the ways in which local law enforcement officers interpret this new role and their efforts to prevent and respond to bullying. We draw upon Routine Activities Theory as a lens to view officer perceptions of promoting guardianship and reducing target suitability of young people most at-risk for bullying victimization. Data collected from qualitative interviews of law enforcement officers working with local schools, suggest that officers see a role for law enforcement in promoting guardianship around this health and safety concern, but recognize the limitations of using arrest authority. They emphasize promoting trust and building relationship in efforts to support potential and current bullying victims.  相似文献   
205.
Eisner (Journal of Experimental Criminology, this issue, 2009) suggests that developer-led evaluations often make programs look better than independent evaluations do because the former suffer systematic biases in favor of prevention success. Yet, his proposed remedies suffer their own systematic bias, constituting a ‘one-tailed’ test of bias in only one direction. In this response we suggest that a more objective assessment of ‘analysts’ effects’ requires a ‘two-tailed’ test of bias, in which reviewers would measure indications of bias both for and against success in evaluations reported by both developers and independent evaluators. After exploring the full complexity of the distinction between developers and evaluators, we report on one case in which independent evaluations were more favorable than those of developers. We then suggest possible indicators of analysts’ biases against finding success that may characterize the work of developers who “bend over backwards” to find harm in their programs, and of independent evaluators who may seek to “get a scalp” of a developer or a program.
Lawrence W. ShermanEmail:

Lawrence W. Sherman   is the Wolfson Professor of Criminology at Cambridge University, UK, and Director of its Jerry Lee Centre of Experimental Criminology at the Institute of Criminology. He is also Professor of Criminology at the University of Pennsylvania, USA. The founding President of the Academy of Experimental Criminology, he is the author of the forthcoming book Experimental Criminology and has designed or directed over 30 randomized field experiments. Heather Strang   is Director of the Centre for Restorative Justice in the Regulatory Institutions Network (Regnet), Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, at the Australian National University. She is also a Lecturer in Criminology at the University of Pennsylvania and Senior Research Fellow in the Institute of Criminology at Cambridge University. Elected a Fellow of the Academy of Experimental of Criminology in recognition of her book Repair of Revenge: Victims and Restorative Justice, she has led twelve randomized trials of restorative justice conferencing. She is currently directing an Australian Research Council study of both offenders and victims in the ten-year aftermath of four RCTs of restorative justice in Canberra.  相似文献   
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The ability of the civil service to act as a reservoir of institutional memory is central to the pragmatic task of governing. But there is a growing body of scholarship that suggests the bureaucracy is failing at this core task. In this article, we distinguish between two different ways of thinking about institutional memory: one “static” and one “dynamic.” In the former, memory is singular and held in document form, especially by files and procedures. In the latter, memories reside with people and are thus dispersed across the array of actors that make up the differentiated polity. Drawing on four policy examples from three countries, we argue that a more dynamic understanding of the way institutions remember is both empirically salient and normatively desirable. We conclude that the current conceptualization of institutional memory needs to be recalibrated to fit the types of policy learning practices required by modern collaborative governance.  相似文献   
208.
Identifying the prevalence and correlates of suicidal ideation in women mandated to batterer intervention programs is necessary to prevent suicide in this greatly understudied population. This study used cross-sectional, self-report survey methodology to identify the prevalence and correlates of suicidal ideation among 79 women attending batterer intervention programs. Of the sample, 33% reported experiencing suicidal ideation during the two weeks prior to entering the program. Multiple linear regression analysis indicated that (while controlling for number of batterer intervention sessions attended) symptoms of depression and borderline personality disorder, but not symptoms of antisocial personality disorder, were associated with suicidal ideation.  相似文献   
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In this article, we investigate factors affecting hate crime policies by examining anti-LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender) hate crime reports as a type of policy implementation. Analyzing state-level data drawn primarily from the US Census between 1995 and 2008, we examine how structural and social movement mobilization factors explain hate crime reporting. We find that anti-LGBT hate crimes are more likely to be reported in more urbanized states and in states with both split political elites and a greater number of LGBT social movement organizations. We discuss the implications of our findings for separating the drivers of policy passage from policy implementation and for complementary criminological and social movement explanations for hate crime reporting.  相似文献   
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