卡罕和以色列的犹太极端势力

梅厄.卡罕是当代犹太极端势力的鼻祖和精神领袖。虽然卡罕已去世多年,但他及其创立的"卡赫运动"在以色列仍有很大影响。以色列犹太极端势力的产生是阿以冲突和矛盾在以色列国内政治斗争中的一个反映。以色列政党和国家的右倾化为犹太极端势力的滋生与发展提供了土壤。犹太极端势力为达到自己的政治目的,不惜暗杀国家政治领导人。犹太极端势力正在以自己的方式对国内政治的发展产生影响,并成为以色列未来实现以巴和平的一大挑战。     

Christianity and punitive mentalities: A qualitative study

According to David Garland (1990) scholars should be concerned about the cultural foundations of punishment in modern western society, such as religion. To this end, Garland conceptualizes punitive mentalities and sensibilities that provide the cultural support for structural systems ofpunishment. Punitive mentalities are ways of thinking about punishment, whereas punitive sensibilities are ways of feeling about punishment. Garlandsuggests that religious traditions are an important source of punitive mentalities and sensibilities. This research is an empirical analysis ofpunitive mentalities and their cultural roots, using qualitative research.Research questions focus on the following: Are there distinctively punitivementalities? How do punitive mentalities influence the desire for officialpunishment? Data from a previous study (Cook, 1998a) are analyzed here to explore terrains of punitive mentalities within the contexts of Christianity.Findings identify four distinct categories: anti-punitive, non-punitive,retributive and vengeful mentalities where Christian (non)belief systemsare important cornerstones. Respondents in each group have specific desires regarding the state's use of punishments, especially the ``death penalty''.     

Justice for All: Putting Victims at the Heart of Criminal Justice?

This article considers the claim in the government's White Paper, Justice for All , to put victims and witnesses at the heart of the criminal justice system and argues that there is an unresolved tension within the paper between instrumentalist crime control concerns and intrinsic concerns for the rights of victims and witnesses. It is argued that many of the proposals now contained in the latest Criminal Justice Bill are so preoccupied with rebalancing the system away from offenders that they risk doing injustice to defendants with little tangible benefit to victims and witnesses in terms of rights and remedies.     

中国古代“和”的思想及其启示

西周时期,我国思想家就提出了“和”这一范畴,用以表现万物兴盛、政治清平必循的客观规律。《国语·郑语》中记载,史伯在回答郑桓公关于治国之道时就曾大段论述了“和”这一范畴:“夫和实生物,同则不继。以它平它谓之和,故能丰长而物归之;若以同裨同,尽乃弃矣。故先王以土与金木水火杂以成百物。是以和五味以调口,刚四支以卫体,和六律以聪耳,正七体以役心,平八索以成人,建九纪以立纯德,合十数以训百体,出千品,具万方,计亿事,材兆物,收经入,行姟极?释跽呔泳?之田,收经入以食兆民。周训而能用之,和乐如一。夫如是,和之至也。于是乎先王聘后于…     

R before D: the case of post conflict reintegration in Tajikistan1

Reintegration was prioritised over demobilisation and disarmament in Tajikistan's peace process. Inadequate disarmament rates were disregarded, but integration of opposition fighters into military and law enforcement units was relatively swift. This created high levels of trust among the former fighters and commanders. The quick provision of incentives, such as comprehensive amnesties and the offer of government positions and economic assets created stakes in the peace process for a number of actors. Transitional justice was largely overlooked. In this way, the case of Tajikistan runs counter to key elements of what has been termed the ‘post-conflict reconstruction orthodoxy’. At the same time, Tajikistan is a rare example of the emergence of post-war stability. This article provides a detailed account of the DDR process and outlines the incentives that it created for the warring parties. It also assesses the emergence of spoilers and the government's counter strategies. The article concludes by highlighting the consolidation of President Rakhmonov's power since 2001, but also raises some questions regarding the viability of Tajikistan's long-term political and economic development.