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Henry Horwitz 《The Journal of legal history》2013,34(2):152-166
The trial notes of Chief Justices William Mansfield and Dudley Ryder have proved to be rich sources for the study of common law judicial process in the decades after 1750. Equally valuable, but hitherto unanalyzed, are the trial notes of Philip Yorke, Lord Hardwicke, compiled when he was Chief Justice of King's Bench in the mid-1730s. This study provides an account of Hardwicke's notes, comparing and contrasting their style and substance to those of Mansfield and of Ryder, thereby enlarging our appreciation of the character and treatment of civil litigation in the royal courts under George II and George III. 相似文献
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Generally speaking, campaign-related contact motivates voters. One form of such contact not much explored in the voter mobilization
literature is the petitioning for ballot initiatives that occurs with considerable frequency in about half the states and
even more localities. Using newly-available data that allow us to match individual petition signers with their subsequent
election behavior, we explore the role of having had a hand in a ballot measure’s qualifying stage in propelling individual
voters to the polls. Specifically, we perform multivariate analysis on a random sample of 1,000 registered Arkansas voters,
1,100 registered Florida voters, and all 71,119 registered voters in Gainesville, Florida to measure the influence of petition-signing
in spurring voter turnout. We find marginal effects in the statewide samples, but substantial and significant turnout effects
in the Gainesville municipal election—an off-cycle, low-profile election. Furthermore, the effect of petition-signing—across
all of our samples—is strongest among irregular, as compared to habitual, voters. These findings are in keeping with recent
campaign mobilization experimental research and comport with previous findings on the “educative effects” of ballot measures
on voter turnout. 相似文献
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Adam Douglas Henry 《Public administration》2023,101(2):604-621
Many policy systems are experimenting with collaborative institutions to manage complex policy problems in the face of persistent conflict and scientific uncertainty. Policy networks are central to the theory of why collaborative institutions are effective. While many policy systems naturally become segregated, fragmented, or siloed due to homophily, collaborative institutions are hypothesized to create more integrated systems of organizational collaboration. Collaborative institutions may, therefore, be evaluated by the extent to which they reduce the tendency toward homophily and increase the integration of policy networks. This paper evaluates three collaborative institutions in regional land-use planning and specifies a theory of the program from two prominent frameworks: Institutional Collective Action and the Advocacy Coalition Framework. Results show that three forms of homophily are at work, and that in some cases, collaborative institutions successfully reduce the tendency toward network segregation. 相似文献
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