全文获取类型
收费全文 | 150篇 |
免费 | 3篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 12篇 |
工人农民 | 7篇 |
世界政治 | 7篇 |
外交国际关系 | 14篇 |
法律 | 65篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 41篇 |
综合类 | 6篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 3篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 2篇 |
2017年 | 3篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2014年 | 1篇 |
2013年 | 37篇 |
2012年 | 4篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 7篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 4篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 5篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 5篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 5篇 |
1993年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 4篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 2篇 |
1985年 | 5篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1969年 | 1篇 |
1956年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有153条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
21.
22.
23.
24.
Herman Demmink III 《Public Choice》2010,142(3-4):497-505
This paper asks whether stealing bases contributes to scoring runs and winning games in Major League Baseball. A successful attempt advances the runner to the next base, which raises his chances of scoring a run; being caught stealing results in an out. Exploiting a dataset that includes all professional MLB teams and 15 regular seasons of play (1990–2004), the empirical results suggest that players attempting to steal bases are successful two out of three times. On the average and other things being the same, a one-standard deviation increase in the number of stolen base attempts results in 3.65 more games won per season. 相似文献
25.
Herman M. Schwartz 《Journal of policy analysis and management》1997,16(3):405-422
Is New Zealand a model for “reinventing” government and cutting spending? The government of Alberta, Canada, consciously replicated significant elements of the New Zealand model to attain fiscal balance and public sector reorganization, including the core element of restructuring institutions to change individual behavior. Despite broad similarities in policy content and outcome, differences in the specific content of policy and the politics of policy implementation led to differences in the sustainability of reform and the location of budget cuts. Alberta's Progressive Conservative party emphasized expenditure cuts where both the New Zealand Labour and National parties emphasized government reorganization and the introduction of market mechanisms. Contrasting these efforts to balance budgets and reinvent government suggests that there is considerable variation in the “model,” and that left governments in general are probably more likely to pursue and succeed at the reinvention of government, while stinting fiscal balance. Right governments, on the other hand, are more likely to achieve short-run fiscal balance at the expense of successful reinvention. In turn this suggests that while the partisan orientation of the reforming party matters, neither has an ideal policy mix for long-term fiscal stability. Alternation of governments may provide the best policy mix. 相似文献
26.
27.
Herman Joseph S. Kraft 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(3):453-472
In April 1999, ASEAN formally admitted Cambodia thereby completing its declared goal of grouping together all ten Southeast Asian countries under its umbrella. This was the culminating event in the latest phase of ASEAN's enlargement. This process, however, had been problematic from the start. The entry of Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar and Vietnam without any clear criteria for admission has raised questions regarding the preparedness of these countries to participate in ASEAN. More importantly, it led to strains in ASEAN's relations with its dialogue partners over the legitimacy of some of the governments in power in these countries. The was further complicated by the economic upheaval caused by the financial crisis which struck Southeast Asia in 1997. The impact of these events on ASEAN has put into question the association's growing role as a leading player in Asia-Pacific affairs. More importantly, it has raised issues which are central to ASEAN's continued existence. 相似文献
28.
Mark F. N. Franke 《Human Rights Review》2013,14(4):367-385
While the critically oriented writings of Immanuel Kant remain the key theoretical grounds from which universalists challenge reduction of international rights law and protection to the practical particularities of sovereign states, Kant’s theory can be read as also a crucial argument for a human rights regime ordered around sovereign states and citizens. Consequently, universalists may be tempted to push Kant’s thinking to greater critical examination of ‘the human’ and its properties. However, such a move to more theoretical rigour in critique only solidifies the subversive statism of Kant’s apparent universalism, as long as it remains embedded in his prior theory of critical philosophy that privileges a singular form of reason. Universalist theories of human rights can break with this contradiction only insofar as they also displace the right to philosophy from the subject and site of ‘civil’ man to a politics of theory where no such subject or site is guaranteed. 相似文献
29.
Deborah Franke‐Ogg Lucille Pritchard 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(2):93-100
SUMMARY The present paper describes the educational background and current role of a community psychologist conducting tobacco control studies at a research institute affiliated with a university medical school. This includes how the author originally became interested in community psychology as an undergraduate, chose a graduate training program and postdoctoral fellowship, and how this training was instrumental in obtaining the current position. 相似文献
30.
The theme of ‘democratic legitimacy’ and the way it affects the institutions and development of the European Community is a recurrent one both in the literature on Western European integration and especially in debates amongst European politicians and parliamentarians. This article examines the theme within the context of the direct elections to be held to the European Parliament in 1979. It is argued that the European Parliament has certain legitimacy problems which stem from the nature of its authority, intelligibility, visibility, and the way in which it acts as the European Community's ‘grand forum’. The holding of European elections will not in themselves overcome these problems, and a number of suggestions are offered as to how the European Parliament and the European Community can achieve democratic legitimacy.1 相似文献