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131.
Delayed ethanol analysis was performed on breath specimens collected with commercial silica gel tubes using multiple Breathalyzer instruments. Eleven hundred and nine results were obtained from an ethanol testing program over a five-year period. Only 2.5% of the specimens had apparent collection errors. For the valid specimens, the most frequent result was 0.11 g/210 L and the mean result was 0.14 g/210 L. For 642 specimens, delayed results were compared with direct results. Direct results were greater than delayed results for 55%, less than for 27%, and equal to for 18% of the pairs. When fixed tolerance limits of +/- 0.03 were used, 81% of the direct results were confirmed. The confirmation percentage was best in the critical range of direct results, 0.05 to 0.15 g/210 L. The collection tubes showed no substantial variability in retaining ethanol during storage and releasing ethanol for analysis.  相似文献   
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The medical profession is held accountable in numerous ways, many of which are concerned with clinical competence. However, while Australia's State medical boards are statutorily charged with protecting the public from incompetent practice, they have never instituted programs aimed at maintaining the standards of all practitioners. The article describes recent legislative changes and developments in undergraduate medical education, which aim to increase physicians' accountability in relation to competence, and compares developments in Queensland and other States with those in the United Kingdom, Quebec and New Zealand. The investigation of clinical incompetence as currently undertaken by the Medical Board of Queensland should, and will, be adopted in other States. However, responding to incompetence is necessarily piecemeal, and the article further argues that the States should develop inclusive revalidation strategies. Both the community and leading voices within the profession are demanding greater commitment to a self-regulation culture that is more transparent and has sharper teeth.  相似文献   
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In July 2019, the UK Parliament voted by an overwhelming majority for fundamental reform of Northern Ireland's archaic abortion laws. Regulations implementing the reform came into effect on 25 March 2020. Drawing on extensive archival resources and a small number of interviews, we locate this extraordinary political moment in a broader historical context. We explore the factors that blocked the possibility of reform in either Westminster or Stormont for over five decades and consider what it was that had changed in 2019 to render it possible. While the measure passed in Westminster represents a radical rupture with the past, we suggest that it was anything other than sudden, rather representing the culmination of decades of sustained campaigning. We conclude by briefly discussing what this change is likely to mean for the future.  相似文献   
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Activists on the left and right have increasingly turned to the courts to make policy, raising questions about the potential risks of judicialization. One possibility is that litigation is more prone to negative episodic media coverage than alternative modes of policymaking. Using across‐ and within‐policy area comparisons of stories about the Federal Black Lung Program, collective asbestos litigation strategies, and individual asbestos tort suits, we find that coverage becomes steadily more episodic and critical as it focuses on policy regimes that feature increasing amounts of adversarial legalism. Moreover, even the broadest coverage of asbestos litigation fails to explain why victims of asbestos turned to the courts, how powerful interests constrained their policy options, or how judges urged Congress to act. This limited and relatively critical anecdotal reporting implies that litigation may engender less favorable media coverage than its alternatives and that activists should weigh this risk when deciding to litigate.  相似文献   
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