Conservative Mobilization and Fiscal Policies

The two conservative parties in Norway, the old Conservative Party and the younger Progressive Party increased their electoral support from 23 percent in 1975 to 34 percent in the election of 1987. The electoral mobilization by these conservative parties was mainly based on an ideologically inspired rhetoric of reduced government spending and corresponding tax reductions. With the benefit of hindsight, it may be argued that these were policies to which the two parties did not live up. Whatever their political strength in the local arena, they were unable to reduce local government income taxes. But when analysing other fiscal strategies available to local governments we do find differences related to political strength, even if the findings are not always as expected. Municipalities dominated by the conservatives are run on the principle of families paying the actual costs of having children in public day-care institutions. But so are socialist-dominated municipalities. Conservative and socialist municipalities tend to subsidize fees for home-help services for the elderly. The main fiscal source of the conservatives is fees and charges on technical services used by every household and paid according to costs. The watershed between socialist and conservative parties appears as we analyse the use of property tax - a tax used much more frequently by socialist than by conservative and centrist parties.     

Disappearance of ethyl glucuronide during heavy putrefaction

Adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH) is involved in systemic reactions to stress. The aim of the present study was a comprehensive analysis of serum and cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) levels of ACTH, and the pituitary immunohistochemistry with special regard to fatal hypothermia in routine forensic autopsy cases (n=162: 5-97 years of age; 114 males and 48 females; 4 h to 3 days postmortem, median, 19.2 h). The ACTH concentrations were independent of the postmortem time, gender, or age of the subjects. The serum ACTH level was similar to the clinical reference value for sharp instrument injury, fire fatality, and hypothermia, but was lower in other groups including hyperthermia, in particular for asphyxia and poisoning. The CSF level was usually much higher than the serum level, but was significantly lower for hypothermia and hyperthermia than in other groups (p<0.01). The rate of ACTH-immunopositivity in the anterior pituitary was low in cases of fatal hypothermia and hyperthermia, while it was high in cases of blunt injury, fire fatality, and acute ischemic heart disease. These observations showed that ACTH levels in the serum and CSF depended on the cause of death. The serum level was maintained despite a low CSF level and pituitary immunopositivity for fatal hypothermia, while the serum and CSF levels as well as pituitary immunopositivity were decreased for hyperthermia.     

From prison guards to… what? Occupational development of prison officers in Sweden and Norway

Prison officers are a key group of civil servants in the criminal justice system. Based on a comparative study of the systems for vocational education in Sweden and Norway, this article compares policies and strategies for developing the prison officer occupation. Differences in this domain are analysed against the backdrop of theories about professionalization and growing differences between these countries concerning the ends and means of prison policy in general. Data come from interviews and documents collected in 2013–2014, as well as a rereading of data from two earlier prison-research projects. Results show that Norway is adopting a strategy quite similar to the one behind the birth of the so-called welfare professions during the heyday of the social-democratic welfare state. In Sweden, the continuing division of labour is leading to enhanced skills among some specialized subgroups, such as security and programme staff, but a reduction in qualifications for the majority. The study should be of interest in relation to different strategies for developing the work of prison officers as well as of other categories of public servants. It points to growing differences between two welfare regimes that used to be quite similar, not least concerning the prison policy field.     

Welfare State Legitimacy: Ranking, Rating, Paying: The Popularity and Support for Norwegian Welfare Programmes in the Mid 1990s

Welfare programmes are targeted at different beneficiaries and grounded on a variety of principles: universalism, means testing, needs testing, targeting, income supplements and income maintenance, to mention some of the most important. The first question asked is: who supports programmes targeted at the different groups? The second question concerns whether the support varies when different techniques are used regarding measuring support for welfare state programmes – those programmes that are recommendable, those people want to spend their tax money on and the programmes where increased spending is followed by acceptance of a tax increase. Basically the results are similar across different measurement techniques. But if an interest group is identifiable – such as parents with young children – there is a distinct tendency for the interested party to be more supportive when money and budget restriction are involved compared with the pure recomendability of the programme. Interested parties also tend to support programmes that they are or will soon be using, most obviously seen in support for day care centres, which are supported largely by families with children below the age of 7 years, and for schools and education, supported largely by families with children above the age of 7 years. Where no distinct interest group – beyond the actual beneficiaries – is identifiable, normative positions such as ideology are the best predictor of support for welfare state programmes.     

Regulation for Safe Food: A Comparison of Five European Countries

This article explores food safety regulation in five European countries by comparing their main legislation and organizational characteristics. The aim is to gain insight into the particular characteristics of food safety regulation, understand major differences and similarities, and reach a firmer understanding of how regulation evolves. Food safety regulation concerns vital questions, and is a field with a long history. Food scandals – in particular the 1996 BSE crisis – and European integration have prompted major changes. The BSE scandal revealed important underlying conflicts of interest and dilemmas concerning the twin objectives of ensuring safe food while also ensuring honest trade in food. This led to a questioning of existing structures and paved the way for new regulation. The authors' main finding is that food safety regulation has similar origins, addresses similar tasks, and raises similar problems and conflicts in all five countries. A tension between protecting public health and paying heed to business interests, and a struggle for control over this policy field between the administrations of health and agriculture, are common features. However, the configuration of food safety regulation in legislative and organizational terms varies. The comparative focus reveals that national context and history are important for understanding change. This leads to the conclusion that the framing and reframing of the field depend largely on how it is structured and regulated initially, as well as on the constellations of interests and values that are operative and legitimate in each context.     

Collective Political Action as Civic Voluntarism: Analysing Ethnic Associations as Political Participants by Translating Individual-level Theory to the Organizational Level

This article presents and empirically evaluates an analytical experiment in which we seek to translate individual-level explanations of differences in political participation to an organizational level. Utilizing the Civic Voluntarism Model, we analyse the consequences of voluntary associations’ politically valuable ‘resources’, ‘motivation’, and ‘recruitment networks’. Using data from a survey of ethnic associations in Stockholm, Sweden, results suggest that the overall logic of how associational-level political participation is encouraged resembles corresponding mechanisms on the individual level. We conclude that both our theoretical argument and empirical findings merit further analyses of civil society actors’ political participation with the approach taken in this study.     

Designed to travel? Transition management encounters environmental and innovation policy histories in Finland

Transition management is a new concept for long-term policy design for the reflexive governance of socio-technical systems. It has recently attracted attention beyond its original context, the Netherlands. Yet, considering the local origins of transition management, it is also valid to question whether its assumptions concerning the governance of long-term transitions ‘travel well’. This article aims to explore early experiences of transferring the transition management model into the Finnish context on the basis of two case studies in different sectors. We suggest that the policy design changes when it is moved to another country and identify factors that influence the outcome of the transfer process.     

Empowering Members of Ethnic Organisations: Tracing the Political Integration Potential of Immigrant Associations in Stockholm

The voluminous participation literature notwithstanding, knowledge is still scarce on how voluntary associations more precisely provide their members with politically significant human and social capital. This article focuses on the capacities of immigrant organisations to promote the political integration of ethnic minority members. Analysing a unique dataset, based on face-to-face interviews with representatives of 106 organisations of four different immigrant groups in Greater Stockholm, the study empirically investigates what the authors refer to as an association's ' political integration potential ' (PIP) – the possibility of a given ethnic association to promote the inclusion of its members in the political community of the host society. As elements of PIP, the article examines associational-level political activity as well as support and mobilisation of individual members, and analyses how the former may be induced by the latter. Furthermore, the article tries to explain why some types of organisations do better than others in these respects. It finds that size and diversification of associations have an important impact on PIP, thus explaining observed differences between associations of the ethnic categories included in this study.