Coexistence and concentrations of ethanol and diazepam in postmortem blood specimens: risk for enhanced toxicity?

Both ethanol and diazepam are classified as depressants of the central nervous system and exert their effects via the GABAA receptor complex. We report the coexistence and concentrations of ethanol, diazepam, and its primary metabolite nordiazepam in a case series of 234 forensic autopsies collected over a ten-year period. Diazepam, nordiazepam, and ethanol were determined in femoral venous blood by highly selective gas chromatographic methods. The mean (median) femoral blood concentrations were ethanol 0.24 g/100 mL (0.25 g/100 mL), diazepam (D) 0.23 microg/g (0.10 microg/g), nordiazepam (ND) 0.24 micro/g (0.20 microg/g), sum (D + ND) 0.43 microg/g (0.30 microg/g), and the ratio D/ND was 1.19 (1.0). When cause of death was attributed to alcohol and/or drug intoxication (N = 50), the mean and median blood-ethanol concentration was higher, being 0.36 g/100 mL and 0.38 g/100 mL, respectively, whereas the mean (median) and range of blood-diazepam concentrations were about the same, 0.23 microg/g (0.10 microg/g) and 0.05 to 1.2 microg/g. The femoral-blood concentrations of diazepam and nordiazepam were highly correlated (r = 0.73), but there was no correlation between the concentrations of ethanol and diazepam (r = -0.15). In another 114 fatalities (all causes of death) with diazepam and/or nordiazepam as the only drugs present, the mean (median) and range of blood-diazepam concentrations were 0.22 microg/g (0.10 microg/g) and 0.03 to 3.5 microg/g. The pathologists report showed that none of these deaths were classed as drug intoxications. The impression gleaned from this study of ethanol-diazepam deaths is that high blood-ethanol concentration is the major causative factor. We found no evidence that concurrent use of diazepam enhanced the acute toxicity of ethanol, although interpretation is complicated by the high blood-ethanol concentration (median 0.38 g/100 mL), making it difficult to discern an added effect of diazepam.     

Collusion, Collective Action and Protection: Theory and Evidence

This paper provides a novel explanation forthe formation of protectionist lobby groupsin imperfectly competitive sectors. Thelevel of collusion is shown to be a crucialdeterminant of the ability of firms tosustain lobbying. We show that greatercollusion reduces firm contributionsto tariff lobbying, when the governmentvalues welfare sufficiently and thecross-price elasticity between the domesticand foreign goods is sufficiently high. The empirical evidence from the U.S.supports the theory. Greater collusionreduces the level of PAC contributions.     

Local Government and Welfare Generosity: Municipality Spending on Social Welfare

Although it is difficult for local governments to give support for social welfare recipients top political priority, there are huge variations in the support recipients actually receive among Norwegian municipalities. However, local governments representing different party ideologies may prefer to support different dimensions of generosity. Some municipalities could have a liberal attitude to eligibility rules but be strict on time limits and the amount of money provided. Others may be generous regarding time limits or amounts received once one is accepted as a welfare client. Data from the mid 1990s indicate the variation in support is related to different generosity dimensions for different party groups. While the total number of clients seems unrelated to politics and basically correlates with local social problems, the duration and amount of support are related to the political composition of the municipality assembly. Devoid of any large variation, both time limits and the amount of support increase in accordance with socialist leanings, and the total budget used for social welfare support also increases with the proportion of women in the municipality assembly.     

Democratic institutions versus autocratic regimes: The case of environmental policy

The literature suggests that democracy positively affects environmental policy stringency. Using the method of propensity score matching, we find that this result appears to be largely driven by the parliamentary democracies (as opposed to the presidential-congressional, proportional or majority systems). Moreover, it appears that presidential-congressional systems often set environmental policies not significantly different from autocracies. These are novel contributions to the literature.     

The Local Party Organization and Its Members: Between Randomness and Rationality*

In this article we shall argue the importance of approaching the relationship between party organizations and party members by analyzing the interaction between characteristics of the national party system, the party organization as a more or less open or closed system, and the resources of individuals particularly conducive to party membership. We shall mainly discuss the organizational level, taking as a starting point different models from organizational theory: the rational behaviour model, the survival model, the bureaucratic model, and the symbolic action model. We apply these models in our search for how political parties seek to mobilize members. Examples illustrating the relevance of the different models are a warning to those who wish to develop a general theory of party organization.     

Labour as a knowledge carrier: how increased mobility influences entrepreneurship

According to the knowledge-based spillover theory of entrepreneurship (KSTE), entrepreneurship is positively associated with the knowledge endowment level. An increase in knowledge expands the opportunity set, which is then exploited by heterogeneous entrepreneurs. The objective of this paper is to empirically test the validity of the KSTE by employing a detailed database comprising more than 19 million observations for the period 2001–2008 at the level of individuals, firms and regions in Sweden. Knowledge is claimed to be partly embodied in labour, implying that an increase in labour mobility can be expected to influence knowledge endowment at the regional level. Our dependent variable is an individual who has remained in a region throughout the time period considered. Controlling for a number of other variables, inter-regional labour inflows and intra-regional mobility levels are shown to exert a strong positive effect on entrepreneurship. This contrasts with inter-regional outflows, which negatively affect entrepreneurial entry. Another noteworthy result is that the probability of exploiting an increased knowledge stock through entrepreneurship increases by 15 % points if the individual has previous experience in starting a firm.     

The Nordic governments' responses to the Covid-19 pandemic: A comparative study of variation in governance arrangements and regulatory instruments

Government responses to the Covid-19 pandemic in the Nordic states—Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden—exhibit similarities and differences. This article investigates the extent to which crisis policymaking diverges from normal policymaking within the Nordic countries and whether variations between the countries are associated with the role of expertise and the level of politicization. Government responses are analyzed in terms of governance arrangements and regulatory instruments. Findings demonstrate some deviation from normal policymaking within and considerable variation between the Nordic countries, as Denmark, Finland, and to some extent Norway exhibit similar patterns with hierarchical command and control governance arrangements, while Iceland, in some instances, resembles the case of Sweden, which has made use of network-based governance. The article shows that the higher the influence of experts, the more likely it is that the governance arrangement will be network-based.     

Institutional Trust in Contemporary Moscow

Levels of institutional trust in Russia are amongst the lowest in the world. As yet, however, little research has focused on this phenomenon at the sub-national level. The current study examines trust in social and political institutions among citizens in Moscow in 2004. Results showed that levels of institutional trust are extremely low and that there were only three institutions (the church, president and hospitals) that were more trusted than distrusted. Moreover, although the effects of some demographic and other independent variables on trust stretched across institutions, several variables had a unique impact in terms of trust in the president.