Decentralization as a Post‐Conflict Stabilization Tool: The Case of Sierra Leone

Sierra Leone's experience with decentralization as a post‐conflict stabilization tool highlights both the value of making and keeping a promise to empower citizens through local government and the importance of fully implementing that promise over a longer time horizon. The emergence of the country from civil conflict into peace and stability is one of the greatest success stories of post‐conflict stabilization. Although the nation has enjoyed over a decade of peace (and peaceful transitions from party to party), many of the conditions that laid the groundwork for conflict remain, especially in rural areas, due to the partial implementation of the decentralization framework. Based on a post‐conflict perspective, we review the re‐emergence of local governments in Sierra Leone following the civil war, the institutional and legal framework within which they exist, and some of the remaining challenges the nation faces. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Parenting Behaviors and Family Conflict as Predictors of Adolescent Sleep and Bedtime Media Use

Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Inadequate sleep in adolescents has been linked to an increase in screen-based media use, especially at bedtime. Parents can play a critical role in regulating...     

Parent Perceptions of Participating in a Program for Adolescents Who Are Violent at Home

Child-to-parent abuse (CPA) is an under-addressed form of family violence and relatively few resources are available for families experiencing CPA. The Step-Up program is a CPA-specific, family-level, group format intervention program in King County, Washington. Qualitative and long-term research on CPA intervention programs is lacking, and it is unknown how parents perceive the effects of participating in Step-Up after program completion. Fifteen parents who completed Step-Up with their adolescent child participated in individual semi-structured telephone or in-person interviews. Participants were asked about their perceptions of the effects of Step-Up participation, how they and their child have used skills taught in the program, and which program features were most and least effective. Participants expressed largely positive effects of participating in Step-Up, including decreased violent behavior by their adolescents and improved parent-child relationships. Recommendations for improving Step-Up included the inclusion of follow-up sessions to further reinforce behavior change and increased program accessibility.     

Complaints and findings by the Press Ombudsman on the ANC and ANC-led government: A case study

Abstract

A growing crisis of confidence between the ANC and the ANC-led government and the press came to a head in 2010/11. The ANC suggested the creation of a statutory press tribunal and supported the Protection of Information Bill, both regarded as an infringement on freedom of the press by critics. Parallel to this, a review process of the voluntary self-regulation system took place, followed by another commission on press self-regulation. The result was a new system of ‘independent co-regulation’, which was implemented on February 1, 2013. This article takes a step back to investigate the possible reasons why the ANC and the ANC-led government were so critical of the old system of self-regulation. The success (or lack thereof) experienced by the ANC and the ANC-led government in their complaints to the Press Ombudsman could arguably have played some role in shaping their views. It was found that of the total of 593 cases dealt with in the period August 2007 to August 2011, 91 were lodged by representatives of one or another government entity and the ANC, accounting for 15 per cent of the total. The Ombudsman upheld the highest number of government complaints compared to other complainant types, but this only came to 14 per cent. This is regarded as noteworthy, considering one of the ANC's major criticisms, namely that the ombudsman was biased towards the press in his rulings. This finding was, however, not conclusive in any way. While the full findings may be of some value to determine, in conjunction with other factors, why the ANC and the ANC-led government were so critical towards the press, we also need to seriously consider the reality that their philosophical position(s) regarding press freedom and responsibility (which underpins self-regulation), may be steeped in other normative media positions.     

Collective memory in Germany and the great foreign policy debate: the case of the European refugee crisis

Abstract

Embedded within the wider normalization–continuity debate about the nature of Germany’s actorness, this article assesses the impact of collective memory on German foreign policy during the European refugee crisis. The Federal Republic’s open-door policy in autumn 2015 bewildered many observers who saw it as a self-harming act of charity. Based on a three-stage empirical framework, the article argues that Germany’s initial behaviour cannot be understood without accounting for the influence that collective memory still exerts in Germany today. The open-door policy was irreconcilable with Germany’s immediate material interests, but instead shaped by collective memory-inspired humanitarian and European principles. This conclusion challenges the growing consensus among students of German foreign policy that Germany is becoming a normal actor which has freed itself from the constraints of the past and behaves in congruence with its material interests. This article seeks to make a timely contribution to the knowledge about collective memory in international relations, Germany’s foreign policy in the specific as well as wider context, and the dynamics of the European refugee crisis.     

Patterns of neo‐fascist violence in Italian politics

This paper explores the characteristics and meaning of Fascist violence in Italy during the two major crisis periods that appear to have stimulated it. The pattern of Fascist attacks during the post‐World War I era is compared to acts of Neo‐Fascist violence from the late 1960s through the early 1970s. Substantial differences are disclosed with respect to the targets the Fascists chose to assault in the two eras. Much of the initial wave of Fascist violence was directed against peasants, workers, and the employment‐related organizations that sought to act on their behalf. Major targets of Neo‐Fascist violence, on the other hand, have been university and secondary school students: groups that went totally unscathed in the dopoguèrra. The differences and similarities between the two waves of Fascist violence are then used as evidence to speculate about the nature of fascism in Italy.