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231.
232.
Responsiveness and accountability constitute the process of democratic representation, reinforcing each other. Responsiveness asks elected representatives to adopt policies ex ante preferred by citizens, while accountability consists of the people's ex post sanctioning of the representatives based on policy outcomes. However, the regulatory literature tends to interpret responsiveness narrowly between a regulator and regulatees: the regulator is responsive to regulatees’ compliance without considering broader public needs and preferences. Democratic regulatory responsiveness requires that the regulator should be responsive to the people, not just regulatees. We address this theoretical gap by pointing out the perils of regulatory capture and advancing John Braithwaite's idea of tripartism as a remedy. We draw out two conditions of democratic regulatory responsiveness from Philip Selznick – comprehensiveness and proactiveness. We then propose overlapping networked responsiveness based on indirect reciprocity among various stakeholders. This mechanism is the key to connecting regulatory responsiveness with accountability. 相似文献
233.
Why do some leaders make deeper commitments to human rights treaties (HRAs) by consenting to receive extra monitoring of complaints or communications from individual citizens? Extant theory suggests leaders join HRAs for tangible benefits. However, empirical support for this argument is mixed. To address this mismatch, we approach this question from a different angle. We argue that by ratifying HRAs, leaders send a signal that they are reliable partners who value future returns. Accepting optional articles and protocols that increase monitoring of the state’s human rights behavior, without changing the state’s substantive obligations, helps better signal that the regime does not fear instability nor sees the need to resort to the proscribed abuses in the future. This, in turn, serves as an important middle step to recognizing tangible benefits, such as foreign direct investment, by improving investors’ risk perception of ratified countries. 相似文献
234.
Throughout his career as a literary critic, Alfred Kazin wrote often and with sympathy and insight about Theodore Dreiser, one of the most powerful, panoramic, and compassionate novelists in American literary history. Kazin was an intense reader and writer, committed in his books, essays, and reviews to connecting with and describing the personality of each author he examined. His interpretive work on Dreiser illuminates what it means to be a literary critic and teacher. When we read Kazin in the midst of twenty-first century theory, ideology, and professionalism, we realize all the more clearly the goal in his literary criticism that he aimed for, achieved, and represented—and that now is missing from literary education and experience. 相似文献
235.
石原现象是日本国内政治环境整体"右倾化"的具体表象之一,以其所代表的右翼势力为主要依托,其主要特点是思想上体现右倾与民族主义情结,行为上进行组织整合、企图问鼎国家政权,在政策主张上修宪、改变国家制度以及外交上的排外反华等;其产生与持续演化,受到日本的经济萧条、政党制度、社会思潮与日本文化的特性等诸多因素共同作用。石原现象不仅冲击了日本政局、毒化了日本社会,也严重损害了中日关系,必须引起重视与警惕。在安倍当政且日本第三极势力崛起后,注重研究石原现象是审视日本内政外交之间多元互动、应对日本在整个国际格局中非良性作用渗透的重要参照物。 相似文献
236.
237.
我国复杂产品系统自主创新研究 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
在比较优势逐渐丧失和存在发达国家压制的情况下,自主创新对于发展中国家技术追赶战略的实现至关重要.复杂产品系统在现代经济发展中发挥着重要作用,而我国复杂产品系统技术水平与发达国家相比差距较大,所以复杂产品系统的自主创新成为理论和实践中关注的焦点.通过研究发现:引进消化吸收再创新是发展中国家技术能力发展的一般轨迹,我国复杂产品系统自主创新的实现也应遵循这一路径;由于我国作为创新主体的企业大多存在技术、资本等各种资源相对匮乏和复杂产品系统涉及技术领域多、开发规模大、创新风险高等特性的问题,合作创新网络就成为我国复杂产品系统自主创新的最佳组织形式;面临发达国家的技术封锁策略,我国复杂产品系统自主创新依赖于国内技术集成创新来实现.我国干熄焦技术装置自主创新的实践验证了以上观点. 相似文献
238.
关于社会建设的理论和实践 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
社会建设是指社会主体根据社会需要,有目的、有计划、有组织地改善民生和推进社会进步的社会行为与过程。社会建设主要内容有:社会结构的调整与构建,社会流动机制建设,社会组织建设,社会阶层利益关系协调机制建设,社会事业建设,社会保障制度建设,社会安全体制建设,社会管理机制建设。 相似文献
239.
为建立一种简单、快速的病毒性出血败血症病毒(VHSV)检测方法,本研究通过比较分析VHSV N基因的保守序列,设计了多对引物和一条探针。经过筛选优化,建立了实时荧光RT-RPA检测方法。该方法在39℃恒温反应20 min即可快速、特异性地检测出VHSV,与其他水生动物病毒不发生交叉反应,该方法检测限为1.83×10^3PFU/mL,利用本研究方法对30份鲑鳟鱼临床样品以及9份鱼类疫病病原样品进行检测,检测结果与荧光定量PCR方法结果一致。上述结果表明,本研究建立的检测方法操作简单,反应灵敏,结果可靠,仪器依赖性低,适用于现场对VHSV快速检测。 相似文献
240.
With the aid of the 'butterfly effect' theory, this article investigates the role of ordinary individuals, both Chinese and American, in the formulation, implementation and promotion of 'Ping Pong Diplomacy', which brought about the US‐China rapprochement in the early 1970s. Through examining the twists and turns in the process of 'Ping Pong Diplomacy' making, this study intends to bring one's attention to a number of seemingly less significant historical episodes and their long-term impact on US‐China relations. Like small butterflies whose spontaneous actions can generate unexpected climatic changes, the various individuals in this study, including players and officials of the table-tennis teams, low-ranking diplomats and journalists, played an indispensable part in bringing forth a dramatic transformation in US‐China relations, which in turn altered the Cold War climate in general. 相似文献