首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   266篇
  免费   9篇
各国政治   14篇
工人农民   6篇
世界政治   10篇
外交国际关系   14篇
法律   183篇
中国共产党   1篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   45篇
综合类   1篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   9篇
  2020年   3篇
  2019年   6篇
  2018年   14篇
  2017年   14篇
  2016年   11篇
  2015年   4篇
  2014年   6篇
  2013年   40篇
  2012年   15篇
  2011年   15篇
  2010年   16篇
  2009年   7篇
  2008年   13篇
  2007年   11篇
  2006年   6篇
  2005年   3篇
  2004年   7篇
  2003年   5篇
  2002年   5篇
  2001年   4篇
  1999年   3篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   5篇
  1996年   5篇
  1995年   2篇
  1994年   2篇
  1993年   1篇
  1992年   3篇
  1990年   2篇
  1989年   2篇
  1988年   2篇
  1987年   1篇
  1986年   2篇
  1985年   2篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   1篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   4篇
  1980年   3篇
  1979年   2篇
  1977年   2篇
  1976年   1篇
  1974年   2篇
  1973年   1篇
  1972年   1篇
  1969年   2篇
排序方式: 共有275条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
42.
Book Reviews     
Abstract

Stretching a third of the way around the globe, the Asia Pacific is the world's most populous region. Yet, it remains the sole region without a human rights court or commission, and without a human rights treaty. The notable absence there of a human rights mechanism based on such institutions is often explained away by reference to the region's size and heterogeneity, the constituent states’ reluctance to interfere in the affairs of others, and the existence of rivalries. Whilst agreeing that there is no inter-governmental initiative that looks set to change the present state of affairs in the Asia Pacific, this article places the spotlight on another model of creating a regional human rights mechanism, that is, the unique and burgeoning Asia Pacific Forum of National Human Rights Institutions. Specifically, it assesses the prospects for Japan, Taiwan and China – three key regional players whose membership of the Forum is still outstanding – to create domestic human rights bodies that eventually join.  相似文献   
43.
ABSTRACT

The following is the prepared testimony of General James E. Cartwright, U.S. Marine Corps, Command of United States Strategic Command, presented to the Strategic Forces Subcommittee of the U.S. Senate Armed Services Committee on 16 March 2005. The prepared testimony can also be found at http://armed-services.senate.gov/statement/2005/March/Cartwright%2003-16-05.pdf  相似文献   
44.
Recent sociolegal scholarship has explored the role of emotions in lawmaking and policymaking on security and crime issues. This article extends this approach to the relationship between law enforcement and affect by addressing the role of policing and security agencies in the (re)production of long‐term emotions, which bind a collective and fuel ethnonational division. An ethnography of the distinct emotional climate within the Arab districts of Lod, an Israeli city, shows that this climate is structured by two emotions: rampant distrust toward friends and neighbors, and intense fear of the Israeli authorities. This emotional climate is the product of the subterranean ties of Lod Palestinians with the Israeli security agencies as well as their experiences of the blurred line between state security and crime control enforcement. I embed the initial creation and relative stability of this emotional climate in the broader relationship between the Israeli state and its Palestinian citizens from 1948 to the present. The article concludes with a discussion of how the law enforcement's affective production has consequences for the salience and scope of citizenship and by arguing for a greater focus on the link between law enforcement, collective emotions, and processes of inclusion and exclusion.  相似文献   
45.
46.
Institutions are defined as the set of rules that govern human interactions. When these rules are discriminatory, they may disempower segments of a population in the economic spheres of activity. In this study, we explore whether laws that discriminate against women influence their engagement in the economy. We adopt a holistic approach where we explore an overall measure of unequal laws also known as legal gender disparities and relate it to several labour market outcomes for women. Using data for over 59,000 firms across 94 economies, we find that unequal laws not only discourage women’s participation in the private sector workforce, but also their likelihood to become top managers and owners of firms. Suggestive evidence indicates that access to finance, property ownership, business registration, and labour market constraints are pathways by which legal gender disparities disempower women in the private sector.  相似文献   
47.
Notes and topics     
The European Union's difficulty in functioning is to a large degree a result of its decision-making mechanisms, which expose any measure to a veto by a scant minority or even a single state. A flexible model of Europe, one of differentiated integration, attempts to overcome this deadlock. The flexible model is based on the simple and reasonable idea that a member state which dissents is not obliged to associate itself with a certain initiative, but cannot stop the others from carrying it out. Under certain “virtuous” conditions, flexibility would not involve the risk of breaking up the Union. On the contrary, it would offer dynamic instrument for reconciling the requirements of unity and diversity and promoting the process of European integration.  相似文献   
48.
49.
We examine the Laffer effects of the policy of social security tax reduction cum partial deregulation of labour market undertaken in Italy in the period 1997–2001. Laffer effects of tax cut are generally delayed and governments responsible of the reform cannot benefit from the resulting increased revenues when in office. Our empirical findings show that tax cuts combined with policies of liberalization determine almost immediate Laffer effects. In terms of coherent supply-side political programs, the effects of the two measures are not separable. Reflection on our results may broaden the scope of the supply-side policies of deregulation and detaxation.
Francesco ForteEmail:
  相似文献   
50.
We investigate the political economy of IMF forecasts with data for 157 countries (1999–2005). Generally, we find evidence of forecast bias in growth and inflation. Specifically, we find that countries voting with the United States in the UN General Assembly receive lower inflation forecasts as domestic elections approach. Countries with large loans outstanding from the IMF also receive lower inflation forecasts, suggesting that the IMF engages in “defensive forecasting.” Finally, countries with fixed exchange rate regimes receive lower inflation forecasts, suggesting the IMF desires to preserve stability as inflation can have detrimental effects under such an exchange rate regime.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号