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Walter Euchner 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2004,45(1):116-124
Ohne Zusammenfassung
Der nachstehende Text ist eine überarbeitere Fassung der Laudatio für Malachi Haim Hacohen anl?sslich der überreichung des Victor-Adler-Staatspreises in Wien am 25. April 2003. Hacohen erhielt diesen Preis für sein Werk „Karl Popper — the Formative Years, 1902–1945. Politics and Philosophy in Interwar Vienna“,
Cambridge: University Press 2000. 相似文献
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Rhoda E. Howard 《Citizenship Studies》1998,2(1):133-152
This article analyses interviews conducted in 1996–97 with 78civic leaders in Hamilton, Ontario, Canada. In part, the interviews focused on what it means to respondents to be Canadian. Among the respondents were 36 immigrants and 23 persons not of European ancestry, including four aboriginal people. The article addresses the challenge of creating a sense of citizenship—a moral sense of belonging—among a population of increasingly diverse origin in anglophone Canada. The argument proposed is that despite the diverse ancestral and geographical origins of the inhabitants of the country, Canadianness exists. Canadians, both native‐born and immigrants, recognize themselves as Canadians. They do so because they recognize the opportunities and freedoms available to them in Canada, and the day‐to‐day respect they enjoy. To be Canadian and recognized as such by others is meaningful. Even very recent immigrants do not define themselves primarily as members of their ancestral cultural communities. Spinner's concept of pluralistic integration seems a better way to describe Canadian society than the popular concept of multiculturalism. 相似文献
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James L. Gibson 《Political Behavior》2005,27(4):313-323
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought
to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate
that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient
opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in
all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical
work on political tolerance and intolerance.
* I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper. 相似文献
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Howard H. Lentner 《Political studies》2005,53(4):735-752
This article analyzes the concept of hegemony and examines its relationship to power and autonomy. Refuting the conventional belief that it is ideology that distinguishes hegemony, the article argues that it is autonomy that constitutes the distinguishing characteristic. Although hegemons tend to evolve into imperialists, hegemony involves leadership of an alliance, not domination by coercion. It is impossible to conceptualize hegemony without also including autonomy. In this conceptualization, the primary source of autonomy lies in a specific hegemonic system of domination that itself embodies the notion of autonomy for both the polity and its citizenry, a limiting construction that hinders the tendency toward imperialism. Such a system includes one type of autonomy that can be designated as autonomy within hegemony. In addition, the article discusses two other types of autonomy: counterhegemony and a largely power-based opposed hegemony. Thus, the article concludes, hegemony is a complex concept, with several types of manifestation, that can more usefully be understood in connection with autonomy and power than as a stand-alone concept. 相似文献