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The article analyzes the rise of the political development approach in comparative politics and the reasons for it. It traces
the history of the political development literature and its emergence as the dominant paradigm in the field. It then presents
and assesses the critiques, that have been levelled against political development. It also assesses the various alternative
approaches that came to supplant political development. The article next presents the factors that have led to a renaissance
in political development. It concludes by suggesting that while the political development approach was based on some erroneous
assumptions in the short term, from a longer-term perspective that approach looks considerably better.
Howard J. Wiarda is Professor of political science at the University of Massachusetts/Amherst; associate of the Center for
International Affairs. Harvard University; adjunct scholar of the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research;
and associate of the Foreign Policy Research Institute.
This article is based on a paper presented at the Fourteenth World Congress of the International Political Science Association,
Washington, D.C., August 28–September 1, 1988. A somewhat revised version of this article was presented at the Conference
on “Comparative Politics: Research Perspectives for the Next Twenty Years,” sponsored byComparative Politics and the Ph.D. Program of the City University of New York, September 7–9, 1988. It will also be published under the title
“Concepts and Models in Comparative Politics: Political Development Reconsidered-and Its Alternatives” in Kenneth Paul Erickson
and Dankwart Rustow (eds.),Comparative Political Dynamics: Research Perspectives for the Turn of the Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1990). 相似文献
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We apply a dynamic spatial model to interest group ratings of the members of Congress over the period 1959–1981. Spatial distances between an interest group and the members of Congress are assumed to be monotonic with the ratings. Our pooled cross-sectional time-series data set consists of 203,387 ratings by 59 interest groups. We restrict the spatial coordinates of the interest groups and members of Congress to be polynomial functions of time. Two significant dimensions are recovered: the first dimension, which accounts for approximately 75% of the variance, represents liberal-conservative positions on economic issues; the second dimension, which accounts for approximately an additional 5% of the variance, represents liberal-conservative positions on social issues. Nearly all the interest groups and most members of Congress are ideologically consistent. They are either liberal on both dimensions or conservative on both. 相似文献
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Howard A. Scarrow 《Electoral Studies》1999,18(4):557
Multi-member, at-large legislative elections result in election outcomes different from outcomes in single-member district elections for two reasons: they cancel out the voting strength of geographically concentrated groups of voters (e.g., party groups, racial groups), and they make it difficult for a voter to vote for an individual candidate, rather than for one of the competing lists of candidates. An electoral setting in Long Island, New York, presents an opportunity to test which of these two aspects of at-large elections—vote dilution or choice dilution—accounts for the usual pattern of one party (or group) winning all the legislative seats at stake. 相似文献