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The use of external policy and management consultants in government has been receiving increasing attention in many countries, including Canada. We explore new data on management consulting compiled from information released since the creation of the Federal Accountability Act to address the supply side of contracting. We find several large multi‐year contracts have taken up a larger percentage of contracting activity while the number of smaller contracts has declined. The data suggest a pattern of oligopsonic demand concentrated mostly in a handful of very heavy users and an increasingly oligopolistic supply pattern where less than 5% of companies accounted for 80% of total contract values and where repeat contracts are the norm. Measures of accountability and transparency need to extend to the “invisible” public service of contract consultants.  相似文献   
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The spread of privatization in almost every country over the last decade reflects a rapid and fundamental change in patterns of policy instrument usage. Yet the literature on policy instruments has almost nothing to say on this perhaps most significant development in public policy in recent times. This paper's objective is to aid in the development of a theory of policy instrument choice which is capable of dealing with instances of long-term, cross-national changes in policy instrument usage. It will be argued that reconceptualization of instrument choices in terms of policy learning can aid in this theoretical project.  相似文献   
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Abstract: After obtaining office in 1984, the federal Conservative government began a lengthy process of consultations and conferences intended to define a new, expanded, federal role in Canadian forest policy. Despite their best efforts, however, the 1987 National Forest Sector Strategy which emerged from this process envisioned only a very restricted federal role in the sector. On the basis of a survey of federal government activity in the forest sector since 1867, it is argued that the most recent federal initiative, like similar attempts made in 1949, 1966, and 1978, foundered on the obstacles presented to any expanded federal role by the fact that resource ownership and constitutional authority over the forest resource are vested in the provincial governments. Sommaire: Après son arrivée au pouvoir en 1984, le gouvernement conservateur a entrepris un long processus de consultations et de conférences dans le but de définir un rôle nouveau et plus étendu pour le gouvernement fédéral en matitèe de politique forestière au Canada. En dépit de ces efforts, la Stratégie nationale pour le secteur forestier de 1987 qui a résulté de ce processus ne proposait qu'un rôle très restreint au gouvernement fédéral dans ce secteur. Sur la base d'une étude de l'activité du gouvernement fédéral dans le secteur forestier depuis 1867, on indique que cette récente initiative du gouvernement fédéral, à l'image des essais similaires de 1949, 1966 et 1978, se heurte aux obstacles que l'on rencontre lors de toute tentative d'expansion du rôle du fédéral: la propriété des ressources et la compétence constitutionnelle sur les ressources forestières relèvent des gouvernements provinciaux.  相似文献   
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This article contributes to a better understanding of contemporary policy analysis and management by setting out the parameters for analyzing policy change induced by internationalization. It first maps the dynamics of policy change in domestic settings and then explores how internationalization has affected the dynamics identified. The central proposition of the article is that internationalization promotes the restructuring of policy subsystems in such as way as to form hospitable circumstances for swifter and deeper policy changes than would otherwise be the case. However, the analysis suggests that this is a two-stage process in that once its initial impact is felt, internationalization serves to entrench and stabilize reconstructed policy systems, thus constraining the scope for further change.  相似文献   
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Howlett  Michael 《Publius》1991,21(1):121-142
This article examines the process of constitutional change surroundingthe enactment of the natural-resource amendment (Section 92A)to the Canadian Constitution Act (1982). It traces the motivationsbehind the adoption of the clause to a combination of long-termexogenous factors originating in the OPEC-inspired price risesof the 1970s, and short-term endogenous factors particular toCanada's political and institutional arrangements, includingunpredictable patterns of judicial arbitration of constitutionalissues. The presence of endogenous and exogenous "shocks" tolong-established constitutional modus vivendi allows some predictionsto be made about the general nature and direction of futureconstitutional change. However, the workings of short-term politicaland institutional variables make it impossible to predict theexact content of the constitutional response to such influences.This finding supports Banting and Simeon's hypothesis that constitutionalchange is political process subject to political forces in societyand that constitutional change, like constitution-making, remainsan art and not a science.  相似文献   
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While the idea that policy-makers are motivated by the desire to earn “credit” for their work has a long history, policy studies since Weaver (J Public Policy 6(4):371–398, 1986) have also used the concept of “blame” to help understand these often observed but little studied aspect of policy decision-making activity. Observed credit- and blame-related activities range from the agenda-denial behaviour of politicians to the use of policy evaluations to paint overly positive pictures of the effectiveness of policy efforts. Despite their frequent invocation by analysts, however, the status of “blame” and “credit” and their component parts is not well understood and different uses and conceptions of the term abound in the policy literature. This article addresses three issues surrounding the concepts which require clarification: first, the relationship between “blame” and “credit” as motivators of policy agents and activities; second, the related but not synonymous behavioural notions of “blame avoidance” and “credit claiming” and their relationship to more primordial ideas of “blame” and “credit”; and third, the notions of “reactive” versus “anticipatory” blame avoidance and credit claiming. The article develops a framework to help move the discussion of these three issues and of the basic concept forward. It argues that blame especially should be studied more widely from the view of the public as well as that of the public official, and that both concepts should be analysed as part of the larger issue of the legitimation of public actions, rather than, as is often the case, solely as an aspect of the utilitarian calculations and risk management activities of politicians and officials.  相似文献   
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Policy tools are chosen and deployed in the expectation that they will continue to work effectively over extended periods of time. This is a tall expectation to meet, given that the nature of policy problems and their contexts change constantly. To continue to operate effectively in the face of these changes and respond to policy feedback from policy actors and outputs, policy mixes must be robust. This robustness is of two types: static robustness in which policy means adapt while policy goals remain unchanged, and dynamic robustness in which both goals and tools change. The first equates robustness with resilience—that is, the ability to bounce back to a previous state and attain original goals in altered contexts caused by some change in internal or external conditions. The second, however, is more complex as it can involve changes in aspects of policy goals as well as means in order to allow policies to adapt more broadly by altering their form in response to changing circumstances. This second type of “dynamic robustness” focuses attention on the need for agility and upon the requisites for the creation of policy designs which allow for substantive changes in form as well as state. The article lays out these concepts and their interrelationships and the kinds of procedural and other tools involved in achieving either. It illustrates their features and differences using examples from different sectoral cases.  相似文献   
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Proposals to alter large-scale socio-technical systems through government actions in order to promote goals such as sustainability are highly uncertain policy projects. What is being proposed is the replacement of specific elements of existing policy ‘mixes’—the goals and means—by others, in the expectation of avoiding counterproductive or sub-optimal policy outcomes. While laudable, such efforts are fraught with risks; including the possibility of the creation of sub-optimal policy mixes or of failed reform efforts with resulting poor outcomes. This article develops a model and typology of policy regime change processes and outcomes following Thelen and others in arguing that complex policy mixes typically emerge through one or more of four processes, ‘drift’, ‘conversion’, ‘layering’ and ‘replacement’, and that the expected outcomes of these different processes in terms of their ability to meet initial expectations are linked to the manner in which policy goals and means are (or are not) combined in a consistent, coherent and congruent fashion. This propensity is illustrated through examination of the case of energy transition management as practiced in the Netherlands.  相似文献   
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