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Sycarah Fisher Jennifer L. Reynolds Wei-Wen Hsu Jessica Barnes Kenneth Tyler 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2014,43(10):1688-1699
Although multiracial individuals are the fastest growing population in the United States, research on the identity development of multiracial adolescents remains scant. This study explores the relationship between ethnic identity, its components (affirmation, exploration), and mental health outcomes (anxiety, depressive symptoms) within the contexts of schools for multiracial adolescents. The participants were multiracial and monoracial minority and majority high school students (n = 4,766; 54.6 % female). Among the participants, 88.1 % were Caucasian, 7.4 % were African American, and 4.5 % were multiracial. The research questions examined the relationship between ethnic identity exploration and affirmation on mental health outcomes and explored the role school context plays in this relationship. The findings suggested that multiracial youth experience more exploration and less affirmation than African Americans, but more than Caucasians. In addition, multiracial youth were found to have higher levels of mental health issues than their monoracial minority and majority peers. Specifically, multiracial youth had higher levels of depressive symptoms than their African American and Caucasian counterparts. Multiracial and Caucasian youth had similar levels of anxiety but these levels were significantly higher than African Americans. School diversity did not influence mental health outcomes for multiracial youth. These findings provide insight into the experiences of multiracial youth and underscore the importance of further investigating factors that contribute to their mental health outcomes. 相似文献
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In International feminist perspectives in criminology, Rafter and Heidensohn in International feminist perspectives in criminology: Engendering a discipline. Open University Press,
Buckingham, (1995: 4) contended that current mainstream criminology was the most masculine of all social sciences. A look at arguments about
penal development confronts us with the fact that most historical studies are not gender-specific. Whether female offenders
were victimized or acted as their own agents in the penal institutions can be determined with reference to two considerations:
first, women prisoners have persistently been treated differently from their male contemporaries; second, female offenders
have typically been burdened with formal penalties and informal gender disciplines as punishments for their wrongdoings. The
relationship between women and the state provides some clues regarding how penal institutions, which are authorized to act
for the state in imposing penalties, treat female offenders and why women’s imprisonment has taken the forms that are evident
historically. This study traces the unique political and social conditions of Taiwan’s history to determine what reformations
penal institutions have sought to enforce upon female prisoners and which body-types of female inmates have been ‘docile’,
‘obedient’, and ‘useful’ to the state. From the establishment of women’s care homes and the practice of separating the genders
in penal institutions, to the implementation of independent women’s prisons, the state in Taiwan has played a dominant role
in penal reforms in various historical contexts. This investigation aims to provide a critical and unique perspective of the
penalization of women. 相似文献
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从权利救济宪法保障论公益诉讼制度 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
许育典 《南京大学法律评论》2011,(1):61-78
在各国宪法上,都会规定权利救济基本权的保障,其作用是在于给予人民排除不法侵害权益,并维护享有完整实体权利的机会,借以实现有权利即有救济的宪法保障原则。就行政诉讼而言,原则上虽须主张其诉讼和其个人权利有关,人民或团体才可享有诉权,但是,立法者另外得以法律明文规定,准许人民或团体为维护公益,对无关自己权益的事项提起行政诉讼,此时人民或团体也可享有诉权。在此,我们看到宪法上保障的权利救济基本权,除了作为主观权利的功能建构外,仍然存在作为客观法的建构可能性。也就是说,公益诉讼是立法者为了落实权利救济基本权的宪法保障,所设计的一种客观的制度性保障,而可以作为权利救济基本权在客观法上的功能建构。因此,本论文即从自我实现作为基本权的本质出发,尝试探讨基本权作为主观权利与客观法的法特征及其功能,建构公益诉讼作为权利救济的制度性保障,并借助德国行政诉讼上的团体诉讼制度,以分析公益诉讼在制度设计上的根本困境。 相似文献
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When underivatized methamphetamine hydrochloride (MA.HCl) in methanol is subjected to the instant gas chromatographic-mass spectrometric (GC-MS) profiling with old inlet liners at temperatures above 200 degrees C, appreciable amounts of N,N-dimethylamphetamine (DMA) and amphetamine (AP) are produced. The presence of these two artifacts is attributed to the N-demethylation and N-methylation reactions of MA as well as methyl group exchange with methanol. These artifacts are only produced in old injection port liners and at elevated temperatures. The formation of artifacts is proportional to concentration of MA.HCl. It is suggested that special cautions and measures be undertaken to prevent artifacts. 相似文献
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Shu-Hsiang Hsu 《政策研究评论》2005,22(2):171-186
This article integrates the termination literature with the Punctuated‐Equilibrium (P‐E) model of policy change into a broader framework of policy termination to examine the Chen Shui‐bian administration's abrupt decision to terminate Taiwan's fourth nuclear power plant (FNPP) as well as to explore the evolution of agenda‐setting for the FNPP's termination over a decade. The termination of the FNPP may be viewed as a result of interactions among the nuclear policy image, the institutional venue, and the political or policy strategy over time, as indicated in the integrated framework. Nevertheless, changing nuclear policy image is not sufficient to automatically change the institutional venue in the process of Taiwan's transition from an authoritarian regime to a pluralist political system. Before venue shopping for policy termination, antinuclear activists had to ally with the Democratic Progressive Party to struggle for opening up Taiwan's political institutions along with Taiwan's democratization. On the other hand, as a consequence of Taiwan's recent democratization, antinuclear activists were unsuccessful in terminating the FNPP in the absence of sufficient political resources, notwithstanding a major venue change from the Kuomintang (KMT) government to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) government under President Chen's leadership. Furthermore, besides domestic venues, international institutions also appear to be important to the creation and maintenance of the nuclear policy system, as well as to the dramatic reversal of the Chen administration's termination decision in this case. 相似文献
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S. Philip Hsu 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2009,68(S1):S40-S50
This article specifically attempts to answer two interrelated research questions: firstly, how do democratic consultation assemblies (DCAs) heighten public accountability in the current institutional setting of China's sub-provincial localities?; and secondly, what can be learned, from the Chinese case, in relation to achieving public accountability elsewhere? To address the first question, this article will explore two particular variations of the DCAs, and will focus on the interplay between the managerial and democratic accountability orientations to address the second question. 相似文献