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191.
Lawyers for conservative and libertarian causes are active in organizing and mobilizing interest groups within the conservative coalition, and networks of relationships among those lawyers help to maintain and shape the coalition. Using data gathered in interviews with seventy-two such lawyers, this article analyzes characteristics of the lawyers and the structure of their networks. The findings suggest that the networks are divided into segments or blocks that are identified with particular constituencies, but that a distinct set of actors with extensive relationships serves to bridge the constituencies. Measures of centrality and brokerage confirm the structural importance of these actors in the network, and a search of references in news media confirms their prominence or prestige. This "core" set of actors occupies the "structural hole" in the network that separates the business constituency from religious conservatives. Libertarians, located near the core of the network, also occupy an intermediate position. Regression analysis of ties within the network suggests that the Federalist Society plays an important role in bringing the lawyers together. 相似文献
192.
James D. Schmidt 《Law & social inquiry》2007,32(4):1027-1057
This article considers two recent books in the history of childhood, youth, and the law: Holly Brewer, By Birth or Consent and Stephen Robertson, Crimes Against Children . It argues that these works mark the emergence of age as a category of analysis in sociolegal studies. It calls for further investigations in the legal history of childhood and youth, outlines several areas of interest, and suggests that attention to age will alter how scholars look at the law by complicating key concepts such as innocence, authority, and citizenship. Studies of age and the law could benefit from cross-cultural and transnational approaches. 相似文献
193.
Criminologists have long debated the issue of how to define crime, and hence, the scope of criminological inquiry. For years,
some critical criminologists have argued for expanded definitions of crime that include harmful behaviors of the state that
may not be officially defined as criminal. Other critical criminologists have argued that existing legal frameworks may be
used to study varieties of state crime, and that defining the harmful actions of the state as criminal is important to help
mobilize public support for their control. In this paper, we first trace the historical development of these two perspectives,
and then offer a tentative solution to the seeming tension between these two perspectives. 相似文献
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198.
Marianne Junger Lynette Feder Joy Clay Sylvana M. Côté David P. Farrington Kate Freiberg Vicente Garrido Genovés Ross Homel Friedrich Lösel Matthew Manning Paul Mazerolle Rob Santos Martin Schmucker Christopher Sullivan Carole Sutton Tom van Yperen Richard E. Tremblay 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2007,13(3-4):327-356
199.
依《票据法》第17条的规定,票据时效为消灭时效,时效期间分2年、6个月、3个月不等,时效起算点有出票日、到期日和一定事实发生日三种.出票人的票据责任重于其他票据债务人,但第十七条未规定持票人对付款人的权利时效问题,其关于追索权和再追索权时效起算点的规定是否都合理,有进一步研究的必要. 相似文献
200.
ROBERT S. SUMMERS 《Ratio juris》2007,20(1):66-76
Abstract. The paper replies to Bix and Soper ( Bix 2007 ; Soper 2007 ). Bix's paper raises methodological questions, especially whether a form‐theorist merely needs to reflect on form from the arm‐chair so to speak. A variety of methods is called for, including conceptual analysis, study of usage, “education in the obvious,” general reflection on the nature of specific functional legal units, empirical research on their operation and effects, and still more. Further methodological remarks are made in response to Soper's paper. Soper suggests the possibility of substituting “form v. substance” of a unit as the central contrast here rather than form v. complementary material or other components of a unit. Various reasons are given here for not doing this. Among other things, it is also argued here that form does not, contrary to Soper's suggestion, always follow substance. 相似文献