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Haplotype diversity in mitochondrial DNA hypervariable region I, II and III in northeast China Han

Sequence polymorphism of the mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) control region, hypervariable regions HVR I, HVR II and HVR III, from 51 unrelated China Han (Yan Bian area) were determined by PCR amplification and cycle sequencing.     

Exploring the forensic use of the emotional recognition test (ERT)

General "hypo-emotionality" has now become a broadly accepted concept as one of the conspicuous psychological characteristics of repetitive, violent offenders. Numerous psychophysiological studies have verified this premise. The current study sought to examine the applicability of the Emotional Recognition Test (ERT) in a sample of 85 Korean inmates in a maximum-security prison. Two additional criterion groups were included for comparison: normal controls and schizophrenic inpatients. Because the ERT consists of problem-solving items, it is relatively free from response biases and is more efficient than measuring physiological responses. Results indicated that all criterion groups scored significantly differently on the ERT total and subscale scores. Additionally, similar to the physiological emotion-specific findings, emotion-specific subscales of the ERT indicated that offenders had significantly more difficulty in recognizing negative emotional stimuli, particularly sadness.     

Allele frequencies and genetic data of 16 highly polymorphic loci in Koreans

Allele and genotype frequencies for the 15 STR loci (FGA, vWA, MBP-L, MBP-H, HumTh01, D3S1358, D3S2406, D5S818, D7S820, D8S1179, D13S317, D18S51, D19S253, and D21S11) and two VNTR loci (D1S80 and D17S5) in a sample of unrelated Koreans were determined.     

Direct Democracy and Women's Political Engagement

What are the conditions that promote gender equality in political participation? In this article, I propose that the presence of direct democracy expands gender equality in political participation by signaling the system's openness to women's voice, confirming their political competency, and highlighting their stake in political decisions. To test this argument, I leverage a quasi‐experiment in Sweden in the aftermath of the introduction of universal suffrage, where the type of municipal political institutions was determined by a population threshold. My findings lend strong support to the effect of direct democracy on the political inclusion of women. I find that the gender gap in electoral participation was smaller in municipalities using direct democracy than in similarly sized municipalities that only had representative institutions.     

What matters to citizens in crisis recovery? Being listened to,action, and confidence in government

Policy Sciences - The policy decision-making process in the aftermath of a crisis is a dynamic and iterative process involving circumstances that are emotionally convoluted rather than stable and...     

Measuring the Growth of the Nonprofit Sector: A Longitudinal Analysis

Scholars have examined the effects of various environmental factors on the nonprofit sector to elucidate the role of nonprofits in modern society. However, researchers report a paucity of information on nonprofit growth using longitudinal data, especially outside the United States. This article analyzes 40 years of political, economic, and sociodemographic data in South Korea to test theories of nonprofit growth and to determine whether the concepts and theories developed for Western societies can be successfully applied in South Korea. The results show that demand‐ and supply‐side economic theories account for variations in nonprofit growth, but the existing socioeconomic explanations fail to recognize the political influences on nonprofit development. Nonprofit organizations have emerged from social and economic necessity but have also been nurtured within a political framework.     

Exploring the Determinants of the Entry and Exit of Ministers in Korea: 1980–2008

The entry and exit of ministers has been of primary interest to students of political science and public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of research on the entry and exit of ministers in non‐Western countries, this article examined determinants of both the entrance and exit of ministers in Korea from the life cycle point of view based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. We argued that as the Korean presidency shifts from an imperialistic to a democratic presidency, ministerial appointments in Korea also seem to shift from an expertise‐focused to a politics‐focused approach. Likewise, the primary resignation reason also shifts from policy failure to political reasons. We also argued that Korean presidents use their power to reshuffle cabinet ministers too often for their political interests. As a result, Korean ministers spend too little time in post; average tenure is now down to about one year. These short terms in office dilute a minister's ability to dictate departmental policy.     

An Empirical Analysis on the Determinants of the Length of Ministerial Tenure in Korea, 1980–2008

ABSTRACT

The study of the length of ministerial tenure has received some attention by scholars of public management in Western countries. Responding to the lack of empirical research on ministerial duration in non-Western countries, this article empirically examines the determinants of ministerial duration based on the Korean Ministerial Database from 1980 to 2008. The empirical findings are as follows. First, being a female minister decreases the probability of stepping down by 1.78 times compared to a male minister. Second, political democratization after 1987 drastically increases the probability of ministerial stepping down by 3.46 times. Third, confirmation hearings after 2005 decrease the probability of ministerial stepping down by 0.53 times. Based on these empirical findings of the analysis, we can identify distinctive characteristics of ministerial duration in Korea. We argue that as the Korean political system shifts from military or authoritarian rule to democratic rule after 1987, a single five-year presidential term may set a political environment for frequent changes of ministers to allocate political spoils.