FAMILY COURT COORDINATION OF HUMAN SERVICES, DESCHUTES COUNTY, OREGON

This article describes an innovative program in Deschutes County, Oregon designed to coordinate services both within the court and within the community to assist families in the family court. One of the important features of this system is the employment of a family advocate to coordinate services to families.     

Managing the costs of modern corrections: Implications of nineteenth-century privatized prison-labor programs

The increasing use of incarceration during the 1980s has resulted in substantial enlargement of the American prison population. In addition, the costs of providing correctional services to this enlarged population has grown dramatically. One solution proposed to address the issue of escalating correctional costs is privatization. Through an examination of the early nineteenth-century New York experience with private-sector prison industrial programs, this article considers the value of privatization as a remedy to unacceptable correctional costs. Nineteenth-century problems are identified, and the implications of these problems for current privatization initiatives, both related and unrelated to prison industries, are discussed.     

Municipal Prohibition of Fracking and Gas Exploration and Extraction Generally … Could It Be a Taking?

New York has found itself in the perfect storm for the rising of a familiar foundational environmental law, the takings clause of the Fifth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. Combining the gas-rich Marcellus and Utica Shales with the advent of a relatively new natural gas drilling technique and strong community opposition, New York municipalities have increasingly adopted zoning ordinances prohibiting generally the exploration and extraction of natural gas. Using the regulatory takings law and three potential property right scenarios, this article argues that a taking could arise where ownership of surface and subsurface rights are distinct and separate.     

The Krishna Baradwaj and Eric Wolf Prize 2011–2012

The political geography of environmental governance can overlap and converge with uneven agrarian change in forest frontiers subject to violent enclosures. When the governance of conservation territories converges with and reinforces enclosures, spaces can be controlled with authority and violence that places livelihoods at greater risk in the context of uneven agrarian political economies – the outcomes of which reflect ‘violent enclosures’. This paper examines how indigenous resource users negotiate the discursive and material impact of environmental governance converging with militarized-insurgent spaces as overlapping enclosures in a protected area on Palawan Island, the Philippines. Drawing on local experiences, we examine how the livelihood vulnerability arising in the local political economy is exacerbated by access and use constraints from the overlapping enclosures of environmental and military governance in the buffer zone of Puerto Princesa Subterranean River National Park. We argue that the seemingly less governable forest frontiers of protected areas are often the poorest, highly politicized and contested spaces of political and ecological refuge. Here, scarce forest resources are managed closely, and recalcitrant groups seek refuge as military powers frame, conflate and manage local behaviour as criminal and dangerous, merging conservation and military interventions as coercive governance. We conclude that only by critically engaging how governance processes and enclosures converge to yield structural and discursive violence – and by making this apparent to policy makers – will indigenous peoples successfully negotiate the double bind of violent enclosures in frontiers.     

Strategic Voting in a U.S. Senate Election

Due to the strength of its two-party system, the opportunity for voters to strategically defect in favor of third party or independent candidates is rare in high profile American elections. Indeed, it has been almost a century since a third party candidate finished better than one of the major party presidential nominees—in 1912 Bull Moose Progressive Teddy Roosevelt finished ahead of Republican William H. Taft. In this study we examine strategic voting in a U.S. Senate election where the independent candidate also finished above one of the major party nominees. In the 2010 Florida Senate contest the sitting Governor Charlie Crist shed his Republican label in order to compete in the general election since he was certain to lose in the GOP primary to Marco Rubio, the eventual winner. Crist finished second by taking a substantial share of votes away from the third place candidate, Democrat Kendrick Meek. Because this type of contest seldom occurs, in American politics there is scant empirical research on strategic voting under these conditions. We employ an unobtrusive survey of a large sample of registered Floridians in order to assess the likelihood of strategic voting among respondents who preferred the Democrat Kendrick Meek. For voters who sincerely preferred the Democrat, a significant portion defected in favor of the Independent Charlie Crist if they expected him to finish ahead of Meek. Additionally, we find that after a major news story broke, in which former President Bill Clinton allegedly advised Meek to drop out of the race so that Crist might win, respondents surveyed after this event were more likely to vote strategically in favor of Crist. Our study clearly demonstrates the importance of political context. Under the appropriate conditions, we find a high likelihood of strategic voting.     

Is Timing Everything? Retirement and Seat Maintenance in the U.S. House of Representatives

Literature on open‐seat elections has focused on the individual attributes of a candidate and/or institutional arrangements. When a seat becomes an open contest could be a significant indicator as to how likely the incumbent party is able to maintain the seat. Examining data on open U.S. House seats from 1996 to 2008, we use OLS regression and logistic regression analysis, finding that time is a significant predictor for incumbent party fund‐raising and seat maintenance. We conclude that political parties have an interest in encouraging members of Congress to announce their retirement early in the election cycle.