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Kenneth C. Walker 《亚洲事务》2013,44(1):70-73
The author defines state-building as a process of increasing the capabilities within a society for the benefit of its population, noting that, traditionally, in Afghanistan villages were run through consent, though the state has usually preferred force. He then examines the various factors said to inhibit state-building – geography, class, the warlords, ethnicity and political Islam – drawing relevant comparisons with other South Asian states. His conclusion is that it has indeed been most difficult to try to build a functioning state in Afghanistan, partly because of the war, but partly because force is no substitute for consent. 相似文献
34.
The first 150 words of the full text of this article appear below. Key points
1. Introduction
The rapid growth in private equity . . . [Full Text of this Article]
2. The regulatory debate
3. The FSA response––risk
4. The FSA response—regulation?
5. The industry response
6. The Treasury Select Committee Report
7. Conclusion
相似文献
- Rapid growth in private equity in recent years hasgenerated a public debate over the possibility of regulation.The Financial Services Authority (FSA), British Venture CapitalAssociation (BVCA), Treasury and the Treasury Select Committeehave all been active on this front in recent months.
- This briefingnote provides an overview of the current state of play in theUK, taking account of the final guidelines published by SirDavid Walker and the changes to capital gains tax that havebeen announced by the Treasury.
- The BVCA guidelines will bringwithin its enhanced disclosure regime around 65 portfolio companiesand will operate on a comply or explain basis.
- TheFSA has indicated that it will focus on the risks of marketabuse and conflicts of interest arising from private equitytransactions, but it does not envisage a discrete regulatoryregime for the sector.
35.
Iain Brassington 《Law and Philosophy》2008,27(5):415-444
Motivated by Lord Joffe’s Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, but with one eye on any possible future legislation,
I consider the justifications that might be offered for limiting assistance in dying to those who are suffering unbearably
from terminal illness. I argue that the terminal illness criterion and the unbearable suffering criterion are not morally
defensible separately: that a person need be neither terminally ill (or ill at all), nor suffering unbearably (or suffering
at all) to have a right to assisted dying. Indeed: I shall suggest that the unbearable suffering criterion undermines the
Bill (or any proposal like it) wholesale. On the other hand, the criteria taken together are defensible, and this defence
would be built on a concern for the protection of the vulnerable. However, I also claim that this implies that the law might
justifiably—and maybe even properly—aim to prevent a person from gaining access to that to which they have a serious moral
right. This seems paradoxical, and, towards the end of the paper, I seek to tease apart the paradox. 相似文献
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Greg Walker 《Ratio juris》2015,28(4):486-503
This article responds to an article by Francis J. Beckwith that argued that the consistent application of generic liberal principles requires that same‐sex marriage not be recognised in civil law. This response demonstrates that Beckwith's article contains a series of interpretative and substantive flaws that render his argument unsuccessful. These relate to a misinterpretation of core liberal principles and a sidestepping of the matter of undue bias against same‐sex partners. In correcting these flaws I tentatively propose a Voltairean argument in favour of same‐sex civil marriage for those citizens with moral qualms about same‐sex relationships derived from their reasonable comprehensive doctrine. 相似文献