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11.
The Adoption and Children Act 2002 addressed problems of delayin the adoption process, particularly with regard to childrenlooked after in the care system. This article reviews the backgroundto the Act and considers critically its emphasis on administrativereform. While the problem of delay was addressed mainly in administrativeterms, the issue could not be entirely separated from politicaldebate. In the lead-up to the Act political controversy centredon racial matching; during its passage, it focused on the legalizationof same-sex adoption. The Government effectively diffused oppositionon both counts through its emphasis on pragmatic reform to promotethe welfare of the child. The article characterizes this approachas closet politics and suggests that such pragmatismmay exact a price in terms of implementation. The failure toaddress or resolve underlying issues of principle may mean thatlegislative change has only a limited effect on professionalpractice and public prejudice. 相似文献
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Ian Fraser 《Political studies》2003,51(4):759-774
Charles Taylor's engagement with Marx and the Marxist tradition has been relatively neglected in the literature on his work. This is a strange omission, because he was not only a pivotal figure in the development of the New Left, but also wrote many pieces which critically engaged with the main principles of Marx and Marxism. This paper re-examines Taylor's engagement with Marxism and thereby exposes a neglected element in his political philosophy. The following themes emerge: the self; Taylor's conception of the affirmation of ordinary life; democracy; ecology; and religion. In one area at least, the affirmation of ordinary life, a crucial element of Marxism is retained and positively endorsed by Taylor. In relation to the other themes, while he raises important issues for Marxist theory, he is, at times, far too quick to dismiss Marx's arguments and also misses similarities between those arguments and his own work. 相似文献
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Ian Holland 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》2004,63(2):3-15
Parliamentary scrutiny of government ministers is limited by the convention that one house of parliament cannot compel a member of the other house to appear before it. This convention limits the Senate's capacity to examine ministers who are members of the House of Representatives. It has its origins in UK parliamentary practice, and is given alleged legal force in Australia by virtue of section 49 of Australia's constitution. That section effectively says that Australia's current parliamentary powers, privileges and immunities are those of the UK House of Commons in 1901.
However analysis of UK practice prior to the twentieth century reveals a surprising picture. Far from protecting members of one house from the other house's inquiries, it would seem that invitations issued by one chamber to a member of the other were never refused, an element of 'custom and practice' now conveniently overlooked. Furthermore, the purpose of the powers had nothing to do with protecting ministers. On the contrary, their origins He in a desire to ensure the strength of parliamentary accountability. If modern Australian practice is to be true to historical House of Commons practice, consideration should be given to ensuring that each chamber does have guaranteed access to ministers of the other house. 相似文献
However analysis of UK practice prior to the twentieth century reveals a surprising picture. Far from protecting members of one house from the other house's inquiries, it would seem that invitations issued by one chamber to a member of the other were never refused, an element of 'custom and practice' now conveniently overlooked. Furthermore, the purpose of the powers had nothing to do with protecting ministers. On the contrary, their origins He in a desire to ensure the strength of parliamentary accountability. If modern Australian practice is to be true to historical House of Commons practice, consideration should be given to ensuring that each chamber does have guaranteed access to ministers of the other house. 相似文献