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171.
Evaluating the discriminating power of amino acid ratios on distinguishing dark colored hair samples
Timothy Yaroshuk MS Robert H. Powers PhD Alyssa L. M. Marsico PhD 《Journal of forensic sciences》2023,68(2):416-424
Human hairs are one of the most commonly encountered items of trace evidence. Currently, conventional methods for hair analysis include microscopic comparison and DNA analysis (nuclear and mitochondrial). Each approach has its own drawbacks. Hair proteins are stable and offer an alternative to DNA testing, as demonstrated with proteomics for distinguishing humans. However, proteomics is complicated and requires identifying peptides to remain intact following harsh sample preparation methods. Alternatively, the actual amino acid content of a hair sample may also offer important identifying information and actually requires proteins and peptides to be broken down completely rather than remaining intact. This study evaluated the discriminating power of using hair amino acid ratios to differentiate hair samples from 10 unrelated individuals with dark colored hair. Hair proteins were digested, derivatized, and analyzed using gas chromatography–mass spectrometry. Amino acid ratios were calculated for each individual and comparisons using ANOVA and post-hoc pairwise t-test with Bonferroni correction were made with amino acid ratios for individuals. Overall, out of the 45 possible pairwise comparisons between all hair samples, 38 (84%) were differentiable. Out of the 36 possible pairwise comparisons between brown haired individuals, 32 (89%) were considered differentiable using univariate statistics. Multivariate statistics were also attempted but, overall, univariate models were sufficient for exclusionary purposes. These results indicate that amino acid ratio analysis can potentially be used as an exclusionary method using hair if DNA analysis cannot be performed, or to corroborate conclusions made following microscopic analysis. 相似文献
172.
Sandra E. Rodriguez-Cruz PhD 《Journal of forensic sciences》2023,68(5):1555-1569
Illicit fentanyl has flooded the United States' drug market, increasing the risk of overdose and poisonings throughout the general population and accidental exposure among law enforcement officers confiscating the increasing number of seizures. Fentanyl test strips (FTS) are used to obtain presumptive information about the presence of fentanyl in a suspected sample. However, their adoption by law enforcement personnel and seized-drug analysts has been limited because most products are advertised for urine testing, not for assays using water solutions. This study presents an evaluation of four commercial FTS: Rapid Response from BTNX, Inc.; T-Dip Fentanyl (FTY) Urine Dip Cards obtained from Amazon.com ; Premier BioDip FYL10 from Premier Biotech Inc.; and MobileDetect Fentanyl strips from DetectaChem, Inc. Performance characteristics curves were used to compare the products' sensitivity, showing that all can reliably detect fentanyl in aqueous solutions at concentrations below 1 μg/mL, with some of the tests able to reliably detect the drug at 200 ng/mL. A stability study demonstrates the performance of all four FTS brands was only slightly affected after 30 days of storage at two extreme environmental conditions. Fentanyl-related substances are also evaluated using the Rapid Response FTS, which showed high cross-reactivity with para-fluorofentanyl and acetylfentanyl, but lower with ortho-chlorofentanyl, carfentanil, and 4-ANPP. Users should be aware that FTS may give false-negative results even when potentially dangerous levels of carfentanil are present. When testing other common drugs, adulterants, and diluents frequently encountered in seized tablets, concentration-dependent results were obtained and multiple instances of false positives were recorded. 相似文献
173.
This article examines India’s emerging approach to foreign policy: multialignment. It argues that since the mid-2000s India has developed multialignment as a means of achieving what it perceives as its core interests and ideals in international relations. Characterised by an emphasis on engagement in regional multilateral institutions, the use of strategic partnerships, and what is termed ‘normative hedging’, multialignment is being utilised to boost India’s economic development and national security, as well as to project influence and promote its values. The article traces the emergence of this strategy during the governments of Manmohan Singh and its implementation and extension by the new government of Narendra Modi. It analyses the key arguments that have been presented in its favour and the ways in which it was been put into practice. It concludes with a brief assessment of multialignment as a strategy, as well as the prospect that it will deliver the dividends expected by India’s foreign policy elite. 相似文献
174.
AbstractWhilst the link between international diplomacy and the Olympic movement has been the subject of extensive academic and journalistic enquiry, the experience of diplomatic discourse relating to the relatively youthful Paralympic movement has received little attention. It occurs not just in the context of state diplomacy, where for example the Paralympic Games may provide a conduit for the pursuit of specific policy objectives, but also in relation to the engagement of the International Paralympic Committee [IPC] as an evolving non-state actor in the diplomatic process. The idea of the IPC as an advocacy body engaged through public diplomacy in promoting disability rights needs exploration as an element of the contemporary politics of disability. This analysis considers the relationship between the activities of the IPC and wider lobbying by disabled people’s organisations as a means of leveraging change in domestic and international policy toward disability. In relation to the global development agenda, it also assesses IPC responses to the gulf in resourcing for para-sport as well as related health and education provision between high- and low-resource regions. It considers the response of the organisation from the perspective of public diplomacy and locates that response within the wider diplomacy of development. 相似文献
175.
176.
Is the British State Hollowing Out? 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Ian Holliday 《The Political quarterly》2000,71(2):167-176
177.
Ian Chowcat 《Political studies》2000,48(4):745-758
We can make progress in political justification if we avoid debates about the extent of moral pluralism. Just by having a political view we are committed to its realization but also to its defence upon justifying grounds. It would be inconsistent to seek to realize my view in ways that undermined my ability to justify it. Yet justifying a view implies that I am open to challenges to it, and that perpetually draws me potentially into dialogue with all others, regardless of my will, and into structures which allow an inclusive dialogue to take place, with decisions being made, on the basis of open public discussion, with which I may disagree. Thus a form of deliberative democracy, probably with representative institutions, is justified, without any normative assumptions being made. 相似文献
178.
179.
2007年6月,美韩双方签署了《美韩自由贸易协定》。美韩之间为什么要签署该协定?该协定对两国国内分别产生了哪些影响?该协定为何至今没能获得美国国会的通过?针对上述问题,本文结合美国贸易政策理论,从体系、国家和社会三个层面对其进行了分析。《美韩自由贸易协定》的签署及其实施,在体系层面上将会为双方带来经济、政治和战略上的多重收益,而在社会层面上却产生了不同的反应。尽管由于国内经济困难和利益集团的掣制使得协定的通过还面临不小的阻力,但基于协定所蕴含的重要价值和两国政府对此认识的高度一致,协定获得通过只是时间上的问题。 相似文献
180.
东亚-北美经济失衡与再平衡分析 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
本文从国别结构和产品结构分析了20世纪90年代以来东亚—北美经济失衡的变化,认为美国贸易逆差不断扩大是其对外产业转移的结果,东亚地区贸易顺差与日俱增是其承接产业转移的结果。其中,东亚内部再次产业转移导致中国顺差迅速膨胀。为了实现东亚—北美经济再平衡,美国需要采取一些措施扩大出口,控制过度的信贷消费,并对美元采取更加负责的政策;东亚地区需要努力实现由外需驱动型向内需驱动型增长方式的转变,加快产业调整与升级,并把产业链向其他地区延伸。 相似文献