Book reviews

George Ritzer, The McDonaldisation Thesis (Sage, London, 1998), 212 pp., ISBN 0–7619–5540–2 (pb)

Terrell Carver and Veronique Mottier (eds), Politics of Sexuality. Identity, gender, citizenship (Routledge, London, 1998), 200 pp., ISBN 0–415–16953–4 (hb)

Hein Marais, South Africa: Limits to Change. The Political Economy of Transformation (Zed Books, London, 1998), 290 pp., ISBN 1–85649–544–2 (pb)

Taras Kuzio, Ukraine: State and Nation Building (Routledge, London, 1998), 298 pp., ISBN 0–415–17195–4 (hb)

Alan M. Dershowitz, Sexual McCarthyism: Clinton, Starr, and the Emerging Constitutional Crisis (Basic Books, New York, 1998), 275 pp., ISBN 0–465–01628–6 (hb)

Timothy Hoye, Japanese Politics: Fixed and Floating Worlds (Prentice Hall, New Jersey, 1999), 233 pp., ISBN 0–13–271289‐X (pb)

Julia Sudbury, Other Kinds of Dreams: Black Women's Organisations and the Politics of Transformation (Routledge, London, 1998), 282 pp., ISBN 0–415–16732–9 (pb)     

Pursuing justice,respecting the law

Conclusion In the 1980s, despite the rise of terrorist attacks worldwide, the international community failed to respond cooperatively. When U.S. citizens were the focus of attacks, even friendly countries had little incentive to risk the safety of their citizens or the tenets of their foreign policy to prosecute terrorists. In response, the United States passed statutes providing for extraterritorial jurisdiction over acts committed abroad against U.S. citizens and then engaged in a series of dramatic seizures to enforce these measures. Unfortunately, these abductions were generally not defensible under international law and, in any event, could not be used when a terrorist was located within the territory of a major friendly country. In large part unexpectedly, however, the statutes have rendered such extraordinary measures unnecessary while still remedying what was a visible failure of international criminal cooperation.Even without threatening international abductions, the United States can use the Hostage Taking Act and the Terrorist Prosecution Act to demand extradition and to undertake independent investigations of violations of federal laws. These efforts put pressure on governments that have custody over terrorists. The international and the diplomatic consequences of neither extraditing nor prosecuting have proven sufficient to encourage U.S. allies to prosecute terrorists themselves. Surprisingly, therefore, the statutes have turned out to be effective because they encourage prosecutions of terrorists abroad, thereby remedying a failure in international cooperation and helping to ensure a consistent, strong, international response to acts of terrorism despite the continued inability of the United States to obtain custody of those attacking its citizens.This is a revised version of a paper presented at an international workshop on Principles and Procedures for a New Transnational Criminal Law, organized jointly by the Society for the Reform of Criminal Law and the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, Freiburg, Germany, May 21–25, 1991.Class of 1993, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S.A.     

Tax policy and equipment leasing after TEFRA

The Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982 substantially modified the "safe harbor" leasing provisions enacted by the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981. In this Comment, Professors Warren and Auerbach argue that the modifications did not remedy the defects they identified in an earlier Article and that a new category of "finance leases" may prove to be nearly as valuable for some taxpayers as were safe harbor leases before the 1982 changes.     

Global economic trends and pressures on governments

Abstract: Over the last decade, Canada and the United States have performed better in relative economic terms than many had predicted. Their combined share of world output is roughly the same as it was in the early 1980s, and their success in economic restructuring suggests that both countries are well placed to meet the challenges of global competition. Global pressures on governments are reviewed under four categories. Competitive pressures will tend to reduce the scope for tax increases and increase demands for government spending in areas previously mandated through regulation. Financial pressures will induce spending to stay in close balance with revenues and will affect many areas of government policy making. “Intellectual pressures” in the form of the unusually strong consensus on what constitutes appropriate economic and social policy will influence decision-making in most countries, for at least the rest of the decade. Institutional pressures in the form of influences of foreign governments and international agencies will be less direct in the case of Canada than for economically weaker countries, but will still play an important role in shaping public policies. These global pressures also have implications for the conduct of public administration in Canada, including the need to streamline some activities, to build up others, and to adjust the compensation framework so it will attract and retain the talent needed to safeguard the competitive advantage provided by Canada's tradition of competent and honest public services. Sommaire: Au cours de la dernière décennie, l'évolution économique relative du Canada et des États-Unis a dépassé les prévisions de nombreux spécialistes. Leur part combinée du produit mondial est à peu près identique à ce qu'elle était au début des années 1980, et leur restructuration économique réussie semble avoir placé les deux pays en bonne position pour faire face aux défis de la concurrence mondiale. Nous examinons ici, dans quatre catégories, les pressions mondiales exercées sur le gouvernement. Les pressions compétitives auront tendance à réduire les possibilités d'augmentation d'impôt et à favoriser les demandes de dépenses par le gouvemement dans les domaines qui étaient auparavant réglementés. Les pressions financières feront que les dépenses resteront en équilibre avec le revenu et elles influeront sur de nombreux domaines de prise de décisions gouvernementales. Les pressions intellectuelles, sous forme d'un consensus exceptionnellement uni sur ce qu'est une politique économique et sociale appropriée, influeront sur la prise de décisions dans la plupart des pays pendant au moins le reste de cette décennie. Les pressions institictionnelles sous forme d'influence des gouvernements étrangers et des organismes internatio-naux seront moins directes dans le cas du Canada que dans celui des pays écono-miquement plus faibles, mais elles joueront néanmoins un rôle important dans la formulation des politiques gouvernementales. Ces pressions mondiales auront aussi des effets sur la conduite de l'administration publique au Canada, par exemple en créant le besoin de simplifier certaines activités, d'en renforcer d'autres et d'ajuster le régime de rémunération afin de pouvoir attirer et garder le personnel nécessaire pour maintenir l'avantage concurrentiel que représente la tradition canadienne d'un fonctionariat compétent et honnête.     

Components of loneliness during adolescence

Predictors of adolescent loneliness were investigated in two samples of high school students (n=92)and college undergraduates (n=192).Results were similar across samples. Among the high school sample loneliness was significantly predicted by a combination of alienation, a lack of social facility and acceptance, inferiority feelings, negative school attitudes, and a lack of social integration. Among college students loneliness was negatively related to social facility, regularity, approval, and involvement and positively related to alienation, parental disinterest, negative school attitudes, and inferiority feelings.Research interests include loneliness and self-concept.Received Ph.D. in social psychology from Oklahoma State University. Research interests include loneliness and friendships.     

The puzzle transformed: Explaining declining turnout

This analysis of the decline in aggregate voting turnout in the United States between the 1950s and the 1980s attributes the decline to changes in the generational composition of the electorate. In particular, the post-New Deal generation (first presidential vote in 1968 or later), which continues to grow in size, votes at a rate well below that of older generations. A minor part of the generational differences in turnout can be attributed to generational differences in party identification and social connectedness (as measured by such indicators as home ownership and church attendance). The larger portion of generational turnout differences cannot be directly explained with variables contained in the National Election Studies. The generational differences in turnout arenot reflected in preelection participation (informal campaigning, doing party work, etc.) and they cannot be accounted for by a declining sense of political efficacy or citizen duty or by lessened interest in campaigns and election outcomes.     

Sources of Split-ticket Voting in the 1988 American Elections

Divided partisan control of the American national government is not a new phenomenon. Of the 41 presidents from Washington to Bush, 20 saw the House of Representatives under the control of the opposing party. While divided control of government is nothing new, however, its recent causes are. Before 1955, divided control was due to election reversals in the off year - easily interpretable in terms of negative retrospective judgements or switched policy choices on the part of the electorate. After 1955, on the other hand, four of the seven presidents were elected with a House of Representatives controlled by the opposing party. By analysing data collected during the 1988 national elections, we distinguish between congressional and presidential ticket-splitting and find their causes to be complex. It is caused, in part, by congressional incumbency and ballot formats, but wider social forces are also responsible for ticket-splitting.     

Public waste and private property. An enquiry into the economics of solid waste in Calcutta

Perceptions of solid waste management in India belong to a tradition of thought which dates back to the early nineteenth century. Solid waste is often thought of as a purely municipal problem. The paper examines how far informal systems of solid waste management are a response to a void in property rights. It analyses the variety of local operations in Calcutta, including the informal system. The assumptions that solid waste management is a public good that therefore needs to be municipalized and that in the absence of municipalization there would be greater costs are both questioned. It is hypothesized that there may be no measurable economies of scale in any part of the waste cycle. It may be more worthwhile to improve and expand the informal system of waste management than to collectivize further the traditional system of collection, transportation and disposal.