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651.
Chelsea E. Johnson M.S. Paul Martin Ph.D. Katherine A. Roberts Ph.D. Tatiana Trejos Ph.D. Ruthmara Corzo B.S. Jose R. Almirall Ph.D. Alan M. Safer Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2018,63(1):66-79
This study applies Raman microspectroscopy to differentiate the chemical components in printing inks of different brands, colors, and type using the 532 nm and 785 nm excitation wavelengths. Spectra were collected from 319 inks (78 inkjet, 76 toner, 79 offset, and 86 intaglio) representing various colors. Comparisons were performed to calculate discrimination capability percentages for each ink type. Overall, Raman microspectroscopy differentiates according to the following hierarchy: intaglio (96%), inkjet (92%), offset (90%), and toner (61%). The ability of Raman microspectroscopy to differentiate between same‐colored inks from different brands was dependent on the color and ink analyzed. Based on ink color, the discrimination capability ranged from 75 to 94% (inkjet), 0 to 86% (toner), and 0 to 77% (offset). Copper phthalocyanine was detected in cyan inks and various intaglio inks, while carbon black was identified in black inkjet, offset, and intaglio inks. 相似文献
652.
AbstractRelatively little work examines the impact that charging decisions exert on sentencing. We investigate this issue by estimating the “distance traveled” in charge bargaining, or the expected change in the likelihood of incarceration associated with reductions in charges across different stages of prosecution. Using data from New York County, we examine how the probability of incarceration shifts as a result of charging decisions and how this potentially contributes to social inequalities in incarceration. Findings indicate that charge reductions are associated with sizeable decreases in the probability of incarceration, particularly at the plea bargaining stage. On average, the “distance traveled” is substantially greater for female than male defendants and for White compared to Latino and Black defendants, even after accounting for a host of relevant punishment factors. Findings are discussed as they relate to contemporary theoretical perspectives on prosecutorial decision-making and social inequality in punishment. 相似文献
653.
Andrew O. Ballard Ryan DeTamble Spencer Dorsey Michael Heseltine Marcus Johnson 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2023,48(1):105-144
Affective polarization is pervasive in modern US politics, and can be intensified by strategic messaging from members of Congress. But there are gaps in our knowledge of the dynamics of polarizing appeals from elected representatives on social media. We explore the usage of polarizing rhetoric by members of Congress on Twitter using the 4.9 million tweets sent by members of Congress from 2009 to 2020, coded for the presence of polarizing rhetoric via a novel and highly accurate application of supervised machine learning methods. Fitting with our expectations, we find that more ideologically extreme members, those from safer districts, and those who are not in the president’s party are more likely to send polarizing tweets, and that polarizing tweets garner more engagement, increasing campaign funding for more polarizing members. 相似文献
654.
We assess changes in oral arguments at the US Supreme Court precipitated by the COVID-19 pandemic and the degree to which those changes persisted once the justices acclimated to the new procedures. To do this, we examine whether key attributes of these proceedings changed as the Court experimented with telephonic hearings and subsequently returned to in-person oral arguments. We demonstrate that the initial telephonic forum changed the dynamics of oral argument in a way that gave the chief justice new power and reconfigured justices' engagement during these proceedings. However, we also show that the associate justices adapted to this new institutional landscape by changing their behavior. The findings shed light on the consequences of significant, novel disruptions to institutional rules and norms in the government and legal system. 相似文献
655.
This study was undertaken to test if precautionary drinking behaviors can be associated with reduced risk of violent victimization. Some studies have shown that these behaviors (e.g. limiting alcohol intake, eating before or during drinking, and having friends close by) reduce the negative consequences of drinking, but very few have focused on criminal victimization. National College Health Assessment data from 20121 were utilized to examine the association between precautionary drinking behavior and violent victimization (physical assault or verbal threat), controlling for demographic and risky lifestyle factors. Regression analyses found that precautionary drinking behavior reduced the odds of victimization only among men who frequently drink. In this same group being “single” increased risk. Other variables were consistent predictors: drug use, multiple sex partners, mental health disorder, and first year student status. Binge drinking and having a disability were also frequent predictors. Finally, Black women but not men were more likely to be victimized. These results suggest that the risky or protective nature of types of drinking behaviors is gendered and taking precautions is especially important for men who drink frequently. 相似文献
656.
Johnson Oluwole Ayodele 《Victims & Offenders》2017,12(4):566-586
Nonreporting practices have significant effects on public safety, yet the scientific community knows little about the reasons that predispose victims towards nonreporting in Lagos, Nigeria. The author examined the reasons using qualitative methods, and used a purposive sampling technique to select participants. Data were content analyzed. The findings indicated that economic and sociocultural considerations account for nonreporting among victims. The study concluded that numerous economic and sociocultural reasons including poverty, police extortion, and taboos explain nonreporting among victims, and suggests that the government should strengthen families and schools to transmit reporting values to children for safer communities in Lagos, Nigeria. 相似文献
657.
This article provides an analysis of the ways in which the spatial and illocutionary requirements of English marriage law – which regulate the spaces in which marriages may be solemnized and the words the parties being married must speak – have been used to maintain distinctions between same‐sex and opposite‐sex couples. It shows how religious opponents of same‐sex partnership recognition have relied upon historically entrenched differences between the spatial and illocutionary aspects of ‘civil marriage’ and ‘religious marriage’ to argue in favour of the enactment of law that enables organized religions to exclude same‐sex couples from religious premises and ceremonies that are open to opposite‐sex couples for the purpose of solemnizing marriage. It extends recent international debates about how faith‐based discrimination against same‐sex couples is accommodated by legislators and legitimized by law, and concludes with a consideration of how English law could be amended to end discrimination based on sexual orientation. 相似文献
658.
Pauline Johnson 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2017,22(1):74-91
It might seem that Herbert Marcuse was right: leftist politics can no longer avoid the challenge of devising its own positive normative grounds. The neoliberal political rationality that is now hegemonic must be taken on by a new imaginary: radical, leftist and democratic. This article explores what major theories about new populism have to offer to a radical leftist attempt to reinvent itself. The regeneration of populist movements across the globe appears to offer signposts to guide a new radical politics. Yet I argue that populism is no ideologically empty mobilizing strategy able to be harnessed to all manner of political purposes. Embedded in its demagogic form are key presumptions about the character of democratic justification that collude with a neoliberal political project. Theories of new populism help us to shed light, instead, on the challenges that face the Left in its own self-reconstitution amidst liberal democratic crisis. Circumspection concerning the ideological load that is carried by a populist rendering of democratic politics needs to be united with an insight into how the rise of populism itself issues a warning about aspects of a social democratic past that cannot be reclaimed unchanged. 相似文献
659.
ABSTRACT Despite its increasing recognition and use in U.S. schools, a limited amount of research has evaluated the effect of restorative justice (RJ) for school violence prevention and response. To date, there is no standardized method for RJ implementation. Therefore, this systematic literature review investigates peer-reviewed studies on the application of RJ practices in K-12 school settings. Ten articles were included in the review. Results of the review indicate a high degree of variability regarding the implementation and evaluation of RJ practices in schools. However, the majority of studies reported positive outcomes, including improved social relationships and reductions in office discipline referrals. The utility of RJ as a school violence prevention and intervention approach are discussed, along with future research directions. 相似文献
660.