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11.
Igor Lukes 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2006,17(3):523-545
The present article first traces Ambassador Steinhardt's career from his days at Columbia University (1909-1915) to his successful legal career as a partner at Guggenheimer, Untermyer & Marshall in New York City. It then studies Steinhardt's diplomatic career that commenced in 1933, when President Roosevelt sent him as U.S. minister in Sweden. This was followed by appointments—as U.S. ambassador—in Peru and the Soviet Union. His wartime service as U.S. ambassador to Turkey is examined closely since the lessons learned there would have been applicable at his next post, Prague, Czechoslovakia. 相似文献
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Igor Radun Jussi Ohisalo Jenni Radun Sirpa Rajalin 《International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice》2012,40(3):172-178
The aims of the present study were to determine the support among criminal justice professionals for a law that defines the critical limit of driver fatigue in terms of 24 consecutive hours of wakefulness; and to determine how many drivers causing fatal accidents would be potentially covered by such a law. The data included an online questionnaire data collected from 325 criminal justice professionals (96 prosecutors, 129 traffic police officers, and 100 local police officers with experience in traffic surveillance and accident investigations) and the national database of fatal road accidents studied in depth (N = 1871; 2002–2008). The support for such a law was quite low among prosecutors while police officers were more in favor than against it. Only a handful of the (survived) drivers who caused a fatal accident were awake for more than 24 consecutive hours. We discuss several challenges and considerations associated with such a law. 相似文献
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Igor Chirikov 《后苏联事务》2016,32(4):338-344
This paper challenges the central claim of Natalia Forrat’s article that university support programs under Putin targeted the suppression of anti-regime student mobilization. Empirical evidence, both on the national-policy level and on the level of higher education institutions, suggests that the government introduced support programs in order to establish a research capacity at Russian flagship universities and to develop a more competitive national science system. The low level of students’ political engagement can rather be attributed to the outdated structures of student representation, inherited from the Soviet period. 相似文献
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Igor Guardiancich 《West European politics》2013,36(5):976-996
Opening a new phase in historical institutionalism, Wolfgang Streeck and Kathleen Thelen show how a rigid dichotomy between incremental adaptation and radical transformation fails to capture important transformative processes common to advanced political economies. While their research focuses on gradual but radical transformation, the two authors leave open the interpretation of what constitutes abrupt, but only limited change. This article integrates their framework, defines what they call survival and return, and, within this genus, indicates two analytically distinct species: replication, where the old logic survives due to the redundancy of the new institutional arrangement; and reaction, where structural reforms generate demand for the old incentive structures, which are ultimately reintroduced. To elucidate the concepts, recent Croatian, Hungarian and Polish pension reforms are compared and their institutional instability analysed. 相似文献
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It has long been presumed in the literature that consolidated democracies that face serious external threats or are NATO-aligned should feature strong, civilian control institutions and personnel. This study of Israel, India, Taiwan, Spain and Poland reveals otherwise. Utilizing biographical data compiled by the authors, we researched civilian personnel within each country’s defence ministry – the organizational hub of civil-military relations. Rather than finding evidence of strong civilian control, what we found instead were ministries with serious deficiencies: they did not have effective power; they failed to engage in defence planning or provide strategic guidance to the armed forces; they were led by military personnel and staffed by civilian employees not properly qualified to handle defence affairs. To explain these discrepancies, we argue that long-standing deficits in civilian expertise spur the delegation of ministerial defence positions to more knowledgeable officers. Comparisons are made with benchmark states that have achieved civilian ministerial control. 相似文献
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