Why did Thailand's middle class turn against a democratically elected government? The information-gap hypothesis

In 2006, Bangkok's middle-class residents overwhelmingly supported the military coup that displaced the elected government of Thaksin Shinawatra. Survey research shows that opponents of Thaksin had a stronger commitment to liberal democracy and possibly to royalist values while rural voters supported Thaksin because he fulfilled their social demands. Opposition to Thaksin was not motivated by economic interests, but rather, there is some evidence that urban middle- and upper-class voters disliked Thaksin because they heard negative reporting about him, which were less available in the countryside. These findings are compatible with a new theory of democratic consolidation, in which the upper classes have the means that would enable and encourage them to pay sufficient attention to politics to discover that what they viewed as ‘good government’ was violated by the ruling party, which could have led to demands for more democracy historically. More recently, however, in Thailand and perhaps other instances in Southeast Asia and Latin America, those with the money and leisure to follow politics closely have heard reports about the ‘bad government’ of populist, democratically elected leaders, and thus have turned against them.     

Europeanisation with Many Unknowns: National Company Law Reforms after Centros

Negative integration through the expansive interpretation of European market freedoms is said to undermine domestic social regulation – by vertically imposing a strictly liberal interpretation of EU rules and by pushing EU member states into horizontal regulatory competition. This article analyses domestic policy responses to one particularly prominent instance of negative integration: the CJEU’s case law on the freedom of establishment since its first landmark ruling on Centros in 1999. The analysis shows that national company laws have only converged downwards in one particular subfield – minimum capital requirements – but they remain strikingly diverse across, and increasingly within, member states on most other issues, such as workers’ codetermination rights. Legal uncertainty about the Court’s case law, the mixed economic incentives it provides for firms and political disagreement about appropriate policy responses leave considerable space for differential Europeanisation. The crisis adds to these uncertainties and thus reinforces the trend towards differentiation rather than convergence.     

Measuring the Extent of Party Institutionalisation: The Case of a Populist Entrepreneur Party

The consensus among Finnish commentators is that the True Finn Party (PS), which grew dramatically to become the second largest electoral party in 2011, is an institutionalised party – that is, it is ‘here to stay’. Although led for virtually the whole of its 19-year existence by Timo Soini, the PS, unlike say Berlusconi’s Forza Italia and Popolo Della Libertà, is not viewed as a ‘personal party’ in which its expected lifespan is dependent on the political lifespan of its founder-leader. But how institutionalised really is it and when can a party be said to be institutionalised? Building on the syndrome of properties widely ascribed to the process in the literature, the theoretical contribution of this article is to provide a composite definition and the first systematic operationalisation of the notion of party institutionalisation. The empirical section measures the extent of party institutionalisation using the populist-entrepreneur True Finn Party as a test case whilst the concluding discussion considers the wider question of the conceptual utility of institutionalisation for the analysis of party change.     

Globalization and populism in Europe

Public Choice - Recent micro-level studies have suggested that globalization—in particular, economic globalization and trade with China—breeds political polarization and populism. This...     

Embodying Transition: FGC,Displacement, and Gender-making for Sudanese in Cairo

In this article I analyze both generalized propriety as a boundary marker of Sudanese identity in Cairo, and gendered attitudes toward morality and female genital cutting (FGC) as a fundamental aspect of that boundary. Sudanese have been profoundly affected by the ongoing political crisis in their home country, by the displacement triggered by political and economic collapse, and by their deteriorating legal and social status in Egypt. The dramatic changes in the circumstances of Sudanese residence in Cairo have challenged the cultural norm of gender complementarity as men ‘stay at home’ for want of work while women seek and find new opportunities for themselves. This unstable situation has led Sudanese to place more emphasis on ‘proper’ ways of behaving and being, an assertion that helps define the ethnic boundaries of the Sudanese community in Cairo. I demonstrate the inconsistencies between discourse and reality through ethnographic data while analyzing how Sudanese have found new ways of asserting their identity and resisting the practice of FGC.     

Die Alpenkonvention – Inhalt und Konsequenzen für das nationale Umweltrecht

Bereits seit 1991 existiert das übereinkommen zum Schutz der Alpen (Alpenkonvention, AK). Allerdings sind erst Ende 2002 die acht Durchführungsprotokolle zur AK und ein Zusatzprotokoll über die Streitbeilegung in Kraft getreten, weil drei Vertragsstaaten, darunter Deutschland, diese ratifiziert haben. In der Rahmenkonvention verpflichten sich die Vertragsparteien, „unter Beachtung des Vorsorge-, des Verursacher- und des Kooperationsprinzips eine ganzheitliche Politik zur Erhaltung und zum Schutz der Alpen unter ausgewogener Berücksichtigung der Interessen aller Alpenstaaten, ihrer alpinen Regionen sowie der Europ?ischen Union unter umsichtiger und nachhaltiger Nutzung der Ressourcen“ sicherzustellen (Art. 2 Abs. 1 AK). Nun geht es darum, die AK und ihre Protokolle umzusetzen, d.h. auf der Ebene des V?lkerrechts, aber auch auf nationaler Ebene durch Anpassung der nationalen Rechtsvorschriften sowie durch Anwendung und Auslegung der Konvention seitens der nationalen Beh?rden und Gerichte zu verwirklichen. Der nachfolgende Beitrag liefert einen überblick über Inhalt und Bedeutung der AK und ihrer Protokolle, ordnet die Konvention in das Umweltv?lkerrecht ein und befasst sich mit den Konsequenzen für das innerstaatliche Recht.     

Modern beliefs regarding medicinal plants in Estonia

The popularity of using herbal cures in twenty-first century Estonia has several reasons. Estonians are familiar with nature, and many collect berries, mushrooms, and potherbs. Herb collecting in general is a part of the local heritage. There are private enterprises in Estonia dealing with the cultivation and sale of herbs. Herbs can be bought from grocery stores, markets, and pharmacies. Even medical doctors can recommend herbal treatments for mild illnesses.

This article reviews which herbal beliefs are held among modern Estonians and how this fits with global trends characterized by a growing strive toward the natural lifestyle also evident in health behavior and an attitude toward pharmaceutical companies as businesses who prioritize income above welfare. We will analyze how herbal beliefs reflect people’s religious views, educational background, sex and age. The empirical base of the study consists of the responses of 1,205 randomly selected subjects, of whom 650 were interviewed face to face in six different areas of Estonia and 555 replied to a survey online. The core of the questionnaire consisted of opinions on ten general herbal beliefs. In addition, respondents were asked their opinions on natural and synthetic medicines and reasons for herbal healing effects.