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171.
Grass H Behnsen S Kimont HG Staak M Käferstein H 《Forensic science international》2003,132(3):195-200
All drug-associated deaths from 1989 to 2000 were analysed at the Institute of Forensic Medicine in Cologne. Information concerning sex, gender, drug consumption, time, place and circumstances of death were analysed. A number of 605 cases were recorded; in 518 cases a toxicological analysis was possible and in 171 an autopsy was performed. When it was possible to determine the cause of death form the information available, acute drug intoxication was recorded in 65%. Heroin head the list of identified substances. Sixty-three percent of the specimens showed a combination of several substances, especially a combination of morphine, benzodiazepines, other medications and alcohol. In comparison with other studies the percentage of methadone-positive specimens is low, even though the proportion of specimens positive for methadone increased from 1989 to 2000. This analysis is discussed using background information concerning the management of substitution therapy and the available literature. 相似文献
172.
Abstract In this study, we assess the potential for policy change of the German government of Helmut Kohl after unification combining party positions with formal bicameral settings in a spatial model of legislative action. We distinguish between two policy areas and two types of legislation, mandatory and non–mandatory legislation imposing either a symmetric or asymmetric power distribution between both German chambers. In order to identify German legislators' party positions in different policy areas, we use data from ECPR Party Manifesto research covering the period from German unification in 1990 to the end of the government of Helmut Kohl in 1998. We find that the federal government of Helmut Kohl had a policy leadership position until April 1991 with no procedural differences, but the gridlock danger for governmental proposals was higher on the societal than the economic dimension. Afterwards, the government's potential for policy change was considerably determined by the type of legislation, independently from the policy dimension. At the end of the Kohl era, the governmental policy leadership position was limited to policies that left even the opposition majority of German states better off. The procedural settings mattered greatly on the economic dimension, and the danger of gridlock on societal policy was smaller only for non–mandatory legislation. 相似文献
173.
McAvoy Y Bäckström B Janhunen K Stewart A Cole MD 《Forensic science international》1999,99(2):107-122
The application of supercritical fluid chromatography (SFC) in forensic science is reviewed. The applications centre on the analysis of explosives and of drugs of abuse. The systems employed are discussed in the context of comparison with gas chromatography and high-performance liquid chromatography methods which are traditionally used for such analyses. The advantages and disadvantages of SFC over these methods are discussed. Recommendations are made for the developments which are required in SFC technology if it is to find greater application in forensic science. 相似文献
174.
Coping Styles in Delinquent Adolescents and Controls: The Role of Personality and Parental Rearing 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
Ruchkin Vladislav V. Eisemann Martin Hägglöf Bruno 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1999,28(6):705-717
The aim of the present study was to compare coping styles in delinquent adolescents (n=178) versus matched controls (n=91) from the Arkhangelsk region in Northern Russia and to test for possible interrelations with personality traits and parental rearing factors. The samples were assessed by means of the Coping Scale for Children and Youth (CSCY), the Temperament and Character Inventory (TCI), and the EMBU questionnaire on parental rearing. The delinquents differed significantly from the controls on most aspects of the coping styles under investigation. Furthermore, some specific correlational patterns between coping styles and both personality dimensions and parental rearing factors emerged. The findings are discussed in the light of the interactive nature of relations between personality and parental rearing in the development of coping styles. 相似文献
175.
Manfred Gärtner 《Public Choice》1997,93(3-4):487-510
The paper looks at whether public attitudes towards a single European currency held in the European Union member states reflect a rational evaluation of the involved benefits and costs. It finds that they do: the looser monetary and fiscal policy was in the past, and the more time a country spent in the EMS, the more citizens welcome the euro. Attitudes towards the euro do not seem consistent with attitudes towards a European Central Bank, however. Upon closer scrutiny, opponents of a single currency appear to be less consistent and less rational in their responses than proponents. 相似文献
176.
Liisa Keltikangas-Järvinen 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1990,19(3):221-232
The continuity of Type A behavior during childhood, preadolescence, and adolescence was studied in 1403 randomly selected children. The subjects' Type A behavior was evaluated by their mothers and also self-rated by preadolescents and adolescents using the AFMS (Type A Behavior for the Finnish Multicenter Study) questionnaire, which is a method based on the Matthews Youth Test for Health and the Swedish version of the Jenkins Activity Survey. The results showed that when mothers' assessments were used, Type A behavior was very highly and homotypically stable during the periods studied, and there were no sex- and age-related differences. Among the different components of Type A pattern, impatience-aggression exhibited slightly greater stability than leadership-sense of responsibility. Mothers' assessments had predictive significance in the self-ratings given three years later, especially in girls, while the continuity of the self-ratings over adolescence was rather low.Received Ph.D. from University of Helsinki. Research interests: psychosomatics, behavioral medicine and social development of a child. 相似文献
177.
The process of coalition formation following the 2017 Bundestag election was the most difficult in German post-war history. For the first time, Germany saw negotiations fail, a minority government being discussed as a real possibility, and the federal president involved as formateur in coalition politics. The aim of this contribution is to explain why government formation was so intricate after the 2017 election. To this end, we trace patterns of party politics and the development of the German party system since 2013. We then study general patterns of government formation at the regional and national levels since the 1990s and evaluate whether these have changed with the advent of the right-wing populist party, Alternative for Germany. Our analysis of the 2017–2018 government formation is based on a novel expert survey of the policy profiles of German parties on various issue dimensions, conducted in 2017. The results show that the continuation of the incumbent coalition government of Christian and Social Democrats was the most likely outcome, and that the Social Democrats were indeed able to enforce a surpassing share of their policy positions in the final negotiation rounds. 相似文献
178.
179.
Giving speeches in parliament is a key element of elected representatives for signalling their policy agenda and their ideological positions to their party and their electorate. Taking a specific programmatic position might increase the chances of an MP to get re‐nominated and to win again a seat in the legislature. In this paper, we build on approaches of responsive behaviour of political actors and on principal agent theories and ask which variables can explain the programmatic positions adopted by MPs in their speeches. To answer our research question, we collected all speeches related to economic policy issues given by members of the German Bundestag in the time period between 1998 and 2002. We estimated their individual policy positions with computerised methods of content analysis. We combine this data with information on the characteristics of MPs, their position in party, parliament and government and, in addition, with the socioeconomic structure and former election results within the MPs’ constituency. The results show that German MPs take the characteristics and the economic problem pressure of their constituencies into account when speaking in parliament, so that there is empirical evidence for responsive and vote‐seeking behaviour of German MPs. In addition, political and institutional factors like the membership in committees or in (former) cabinets and the way how an MP was elected – directly or by party list – play a role for the degree of MP's programmatic deviation from the party line. 相似文献
180.
While the European Union’s Lisbon Treaty has important implications for regional parliaments with legislative competences, most studies have focused on cross-country differences or examined the activities of regional parliaments at the EU level. This contribution shows the existence of substantial intra-country differences in the formal scrutiny rights of regional parliaments. We analyse how German regional parliaments (Landtage) have addressed the challenge of controlling their governments in EU affairs. Using fuzzy-set comparative qualitative analysis, we find that institutional and partisan factors (vote share in the second chamber, economic potential, and conservative governments) explain the differences found among German Landtage particularly well. Landtage with otherwise weak parliamentary prerogatives were successful in using the reform momentum to strengthen their rights in the field of EU policy. Combined with the party political salience of EU policy-making, the integration process has thus empowered formally weaker Landtage. 相似文献