首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   231篇
  免费   11篇
各国政治   26篇
工人农民   28篇
世界政治   23篇
外交国际关系   8篇
法律   94篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   62篇
  2023年   2篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   1篇
  2020年   15篇
  2019年   7篇
  2018年   9篇
  2017年   13篇
  2016年   7篇
  2015年   9篇
  2014年   7篇
  2013年   40篇
  2012年   10篇
  2011年   9篇
  2010年   5篇
  2009年   5篇
  2008年   5篇
  2007年   9篇
  2006年   5篇
  2005年   5篇
  2004年   7篇
  2003年   9篇
  2002年   4篇
  2001年   3篇
  2000年   4篇
  1999年   3篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   1篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   1篇
  1993年   5篇
  1991年   1篇
  1990年   3篇
  1989年   6篇
  1988年   7篇
  1987年   1篇
  1986年   1篇
  1984年   4篇
  1982年   1篇
  1981年   3篇
  1980年   1篇
  1978年   2篇
  1972年   2篇
  1971年   2篇
  1970年   1篇
排序方式: 共有242条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
41.
The theme of this article is political citizenship among people with disabilities. Political citizenship on the basis of gender and ethnicity has received attention internationally. However, there has been little attention on political citizenship of persons with disabilities. The article sheds light on political representation at the local level in Norway. The data used are from a survey sent to 767 political representatives in local politics and 50 administrative representatives. Our study shows that disabled people are under-represented in local political assemblies, and thus, their political citizenship is not fully acknowledged. We apply Fraser (N. Fraser, 1997. Justice Interruptus. Critical Reflections on the ‘Postsocialist’ Condition. New York and London: Routledge) concepts of redistribution and recognition to analyse the lack of representation of disabled people. According to the dimension of redistribution, the analysis shows that neither the physical conditions nor the organization of the different meetings is particularly well adapted for disabled people. The dimension of recognition shows that disabled representatives are expected to be more occupied with issues concerning disability than other representatives. The analysis also shows that over time it has become more important for elected disabled representatives to put issues concerning disability on the agenda.  相似文献   
42.
43.
We analyze the impact of a 75 pct. Break-Through rule on 1,035 European firms with dual class shares. In 3–5 pct. of the firms the controlling owners incur a direct loss of control, while in another 11–17 pct. of the firms, the controlling owners are likely to incur a loss of control. Firms in Germany, Italy and the Scandinavian countries are more likely to incur a loss of control. The restrictions that the Break-Through rule put on the ability of these firms to issue new shares to outsiders without changing the control structure are also estimated. We conclude that a significant number of firms with dual class shares in the European Union will be affected by a 75 pct. Break-Through rule.  相似文献   
44.
45.
46.
Im Fall einer bedingten Entlassung aus mehreren Strafen, Strafteilen oder Strafresten bezieht sich die Anordnung des § 53 Abs 1 zweiter Satz StGB ausschlie?lich auf den Teil der bedingten Entlassung, der den unbedingten Strafteil einer teilbedingten Freiheitsstrafe betrifft, bewirkt aber nicht, dass ein Widerruf der bedingten Entlassung in Bezug auf weitere von ihr umfasste Strafen ebenfalls von der Frage des Widerrufs des ursprünglich bedingt nachgesehenen Teils der teilbedingten Freiheitsstrafe abh?ngt.  相似文献   
47.
48.
The article analyzes the Danish national election in March 1998. Jdged from the aggregate figures, Denmark has stabilized. Net volatility was moderate, 'bloc' volatility was close to zero, and despite forecasts of a non-socialist victory, the Social Democratic-led government managed to continue. Further, in the 1990s, the periods between elections have been close to the maximum four years. Therefore, the old picture from the 1970s of Danish politics as highly unstable and as extremely volatile is now outdated. Quite the contrary at the level of individual voters. Close to a third shifted from one party to another, and even among voters who did not shift, a substantial proportion had considered voting for another party. Individual voter mobility seems to be a result of weak voter differentiation between different parties, and not a result of protest and outspoken dissatisfaction. Whatever the explanation, individual volatility is an omen of possible future instability: There is no guarantee that different voter movements will always balance out.  相似文献   
49.
50.
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号