全文获取类型
收费全文 | 66篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1篇 |
工人农民 | 3篇 |
世界政治 | 5篇 |
外交国际关系 | 1篇 |
法律 | 27篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 27篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 1篇 |
2018年 | 1篇 |
2015年 | 1篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 10篇 |
2012年 | 2篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 2篇 |
2009年 | 1篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 1篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 1篇 |
2004年 | 2篇 |
2003年 | 1篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 3篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 2篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 2篇 |
1977年 | 2篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1973年 | 1篇 |
1972年 | 1篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有66条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
22.
23.
24.
Ira Sharkansky 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(4-5):989-1007
The conditions that produced Israel's strong state and the implications of that state are not likely to be replicated elsewhere, exactly. However, Israel's case offers some general lessons that ought to be considered by advocates of a strong bureaucratic state, as suggested by the New Public Administration of the 1968 Min-nowbrook Conference. These include: poor management of public enterprises and social services; high inflation; politicization of public sector employment; a plethora of centrally defined rules, many of which are evaded in the interests of flexible administration; lack of moderation in policy demands; and perpetuation of the state's dominance of the economy as it becomes the first resort of groups in distress. This essay explores conditions in Israel for a movement in the academic profession of public administration whose roots and principal focus have been in the United States. The self-proclaimed New Public Administration in the United States began with the Minnowbrook Conference in New York in September 1968. The mood of many conferees was antagonistic to the political establishment that seemed more intent on pursuing an unpopular war and maintaining law and order than in responding to demands for domestic social services. Several papers and much of the discussion stressed the need for public administrators to take upon themselves the articulation of, and response to, demands that had not found effective representation among the elective legislators and chief executive.(1) Here the concern is with those aspects of the Minnowbrook perspective that imply both more responsibility and more power for government bureaucrats. Israel has what may be the most powerful bureaucracy in all of the democracies. Israel's special history and circumstances make its details unlikely to be replicated elsewhere. Nonetheless, it suggests lessons for those who would strengthen the bureaucracies of other countries. There are positive and negative features of a powerful state. In a society that is relatively homogeneous, feels beselt by outsiders, and whose cultural and religious values shape the character of public policy, as in the Israeli case, the balance of a powerful state may be positive. Even in such a case, however, there are negative features of the strong state. Those who do not feel themselves in tune with the majority of the moment may pay a great price in the sacrifice of what they feel are their legitimate rights. In a heterogeneous country that is divided by a great plurality of world views, and where a individualistic, free-market tradition is prominent, as in the American case, the consequences of a powerful state may be severe.(2) There may be no lessons in the Israeli case that are simple and direct. Yet the weight of the more general warnings may justify this exercise. 相似文献
25.
A stratified random sample of thirty-three female robbers incarcerated at the Florida Correctional Institute at Lowell was selected and interviewed. The findings indicated that the majority of the sample was black, under thirty, of average intelligence, and single. The female robber was typically found to operate with an accomplice, use a firearm, and be motivated by a desire for financial gain. A preliminary typology that included two major categories, situational robbers and career robbers, was developed. 相似文献
26.
Ira Sharkansky 《Australian Journal of Public Administration》1978,37(2):144-156
Abstract: There are sharp differences between the public enterprises of Australia and Israel. Australia relies on the structure of statutory authorities for enterprises of the Commonwealth and the States; managers express a narrow view of what is permitted to them; and tend to spend their careers within single firms. "Public" enterprise in Israel reflects a complex amalgam of three public sectors, with Arms owned wholly or in part by the State, the labour federation, and institutions of the international Jewish community. Israel emphasizes the more flexible structure of public sector holdings in limited liability companies. Entrepreneurialism is more apparent in the public enterprises of Israel than Australia, but problems of service delivery are also more apparent in Israel. This article relates national differences in enterprise traits of control by government, styles of management, career patterns and service delivery to the national settings of government structure, economics, and political culture. 相似文献
27.
28.
29.
Ira H. Carmen 《Political Behavior》1989,11(2):99-121
This paper examines, from a biopolitical perspective, the methodologies by which Supreme Court justices have interpreted the Constitution, assessing their decisional algorithms against models owing an intellectual debt to evolutionary theory. The models themselves are drawn from the chess literature, itself the most viable game theoretic context for living constitutional play. A proper appreciation of chess mastery yields the salient conclusion that a functionalist algorithm of data characterization is optimally adaptive for these purposes, usually proving more robust than competing structuralist and heuristic algorithms in resolving complex constitutional issues. 相似文献
30.