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Nancy Wolff Matthew Epperson Jing Shi Jessica Huening Brooke E. Schumann Irene Rubinson Sullivan 《International journal of law and psychiatry》2014
With the large and growing number of persons with mental illnesses under probation supervision, a form of specialized probation called specialized mental health caseload (SMHC) has been implemented. This study explores the effectiveness of a prototypic SMHC implemented statewide. A quasi-experimental design was used to compare criminal justice, mental health, and community engagement outcomes among three caseloads: a newly established SMHC supervising no more than 30 clients per officer (N = 1367); an established SMHC supervising roughly 50 clients per officer (N = 495); and a traditional caseload of clients receiving mental health treatment and supervised by officers with average caseloads of over 130 clients (N = 5453). Using a mixed methods approach, we found that the SMHC was implemented with high adherence to fidelity, and comparisons based on different caseload samples generally support the effectiveness of the specialized mental health caseload, particularly on criminal justice outcomes. Future studies using random assignment are needed to examine the connection among mental health symptoms, compliance with treatment and probation supervision, and recidivism. 相似文献
43.
Gordon Robertson 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》1971,14(4):487-508
Abstract. Since the establishment of the office of Secretary to the Cabinet thirty years ago, there have been a number of changes in the way the cabinet operates, one being in the cabinet committee system which has passed through three distinct phases and is now in a fourth. Nine standing committees exist, with significant changes in procedure, permitting ministers to participate more fully in discussion and to share responsibility better. The Cabinet Committee on Priorities and Planning, established in 1968, deals with broad objectives, main questions of policy with long-term implications and with priorities for broad financial allocation. With the complexity of government and the scale of die elements of complexity increasing, the demands on ministerial time have become overwhelming. The Operations, Plans and Federal-Provincial Affairs Divisions of the Privy Council Office, with a small and discreet staff constantly changing to avoid the formation of a ruling elite, assist the prime minister, cabinet and cabinet committees in the total process of decision-making and in assuring a coherence of policy. Attempts are made to provide the central executive with full information and optimum freedom in taking the decisions for which parliament and the people of Canada have given them responsibility. Sommaire. Depuis la création du poste de secrétaire du Cabinet, il y a une trentaine d'années, il s'est produit un certain nombre de changements dans le fonctionnement même du cabinet. Citons, entre autres, le système des comités du cabinet qui est passé par trois phases distinctes et se trouve maintenant dans une quatrième phase. Il existe neuf comités permanents dont la procédure a subi d'importantes modifications pour permettre aux ministres de prendre une part plus active aux discussions, et de mieux partager les responsabilités. Le comité du cabinet chargé de l'établissement des priorités et de la planification, établi en 1968, s'occupe des objectifs généraux, des lignes de conduit A long terme et des priorités pour l'allocation générale des fonds. A cause de la complexité du gouvernement et de l'ampleur croissante de ses responsabilités, l'emploi du temps des ministres est devenu incroyablement chargé. Les sections des Opérations, des Plans et celle des Affaires fédérales-provinciales du Conseil privé, avec un personnel peu nombreux et discret, constamment renouvelé pour éviter la formation d'une élite trop influente, aident le premier ministre, le cabinet et les comités du cabinet à prendre les decisions qui s'imposent et à assurer la cohérence de la politique du gouvernementale. Elles s'efforcent de fournir à l'exécutif central toute information utile et de lui assurer le maximum de liberté pour prendre les décisions dmt l'ont chargé le parlement et le peuple canadien. 相似文献
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Signy Irene Vabo 《Scandinavian political studies》2000,23(4):343-372
Inspired by the concept of New Public Management, recent organisational alterations in Norwegian local councils have aimed to change the role of local politicians from a traditional to a strategic political one. Traditionally, local politicians have been involved in the day-to-day activities of the council, and have tended to address single issues and details. Strategic leadership implies, however, a withdrawal from close contact with the service departments and a primary focus on (preferably pivotal) issues of a general and/or principle nature, such as budgeting, goal setting, and planning. In addition, establishment of stronger coordinating bodies is emphasised. Drawing on evidence from a large body of research, it is concluded that so far, for the ordinary local politician, the new role is rather puzzling, that is, confusing and perplexing, thus creating a certain sense of uneasiness. Two theoretical reasons for this state of affairs are presented. First, it is demonstrated that some of the chosen organisational solutions simply cannot be assumed to work as intended. Second, it is argued that the concept of strategic political leadership represents such a challenge to the local politicians' traditional behaviour that a certain amount of reluctance and prevarication is to be expected. The article concludes with a discussion of why the changes have taken place in several municipalities, despite the demonstrable weaknesses in the basic idea. One suggested reason is the improvements to the working conditions of the political and administrative elite as a result of the changes. 相似文献
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Santina Tonizzo Kevin Howells Andrew Day Daniel Reidpath Irene Froyland 《Journal of family violence》2000,15(2):155-167
This study investigated the association between family violence and the attributions made for negative partner behaviors in an Australian context. Three groups of men were classified as physically violent (in counseling), non-physically violent (in counseling), and non-physically violent (in the community). The Relationship Attribution Measure was used to assess the attributional dependent variables of locus, stability, globality, intent, motivation, and blame. Significant differences between violent and nonviolent men on each of the attributional dimensions were found. Physically violent men were more likely than non-physically violent men (counseling) to attribute the negative behavior of their partners to unchangeable, intentional rather than unintentional, selfishly motivated, and blameworthy causes. However, these differences disappeared when marital satisfaction was controlled. The implications of this work for domestic violence intervention programs are discussed, along with a number of methodological issues and directions for future research. 相似文献
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Political ideology is an increasingly powerful force in support of public policy. Historically, nuclear energy has found more support among political conservatives. This study updates the literature on political ideology and support for nuclear energy by examining how political ideology is associated with perceptions of nuclear energy and trust of nuclear information sources. After excluding participants with incomplete data, and participants within 50 miles of a nuclear reactor, the analytical sample size for the analysis examining political ideology and perceptions of nuclear energy was 4153. The analytical sample includes a total of 1035 participants within a 50-mile radius of INL, 710 participants from within Idaho who lived further than 50 miles from INL, 1899 participants from other states (more than 50 miles from a nuclear reactor), and 509 Non-Idaho participants living within 50 miles of a nuclear reactor. Logistic regression was used to determine how political ideology was associated with perceptions of nuclear energy and trust in different sources regarding radioactive waste, after controlling for demographics and location. While liberal participants near INL were less favorable towards nuclear energy, and more trusting in impact scientists to tell the truth about radioactive waste than their conservative counterparts, this was not consistent across the US. Our findings reveal the complexity of political ideology and the perceptions of nuclear issues and how proximity influences perceptions. The perceptions of political moderates were particularly important in providing a more complex understanding of political ideology and nuclear energy issues. 相似文献
50.
Matthew I. Robertson 《Journal of Indian Philosophy》2017,45(5):837-861
This paper examines the puru?a concept in the Caraka Sa?hitā (CS), an early text of Ayurveda, and its relation to Indic thinking about phenomenal worldhood. It argues that, contrary to the usual interpretation, early Ayurveda does not consider the person to be a microcosmic replication of the macrocosmos. Instead, early Ayurveda asserts that personhood is worldhood, and thus the person is non-different from the phenomenal totality (spatial and temporal) of his existence. This is confirmed by the CS’s several definitions of puru?a, which are alternately posed in terms familiar to Vai?e?ika, early (pre-“classical”) Sā?khya, early Buddhism, and Upani?adic monism. It is likewise confirmed by the Ayurvedic logic of sāmānya (translated as “identity”), which governs the meaning of the list of person-to-world correspondences in CS 4.5 and its often misinterpreted claim, puru?o’yam lokasa?mita?. Finally it is confirmed in the program of Ayurvedic therapeutics, which aims at establishing various kinds of “appropriateness” for the sake of effecting samayoga—the “harmonious joining” of person and world. 相似文献