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This paper takes the influential ??direct democracy makes people happy??-research as a starting point and asks whether direct democracy impacts individual satisfaction. Unlike former studies we distinguish two aspects of individual satisfaction, namely satisfaction with life (??happiness??) and with how democracy works. Based on multilevel analysis of the 26 Swiss cantons we show that the theoretical assumption on which the happiness hypothesis is based has to be questioned, as there is very little evidence for a robust relationship between satisfaction with democracy and life satisfaction. Furthermore, we do not find a substantive positive effect of direct democracy on happiness. However, with respect to satisfaction with democracy, our analysis shows some evidence for a procedural effect of direct democracy, i.e. positive effects related to using direct democratic rights, rather than these rights per se. 相似文献
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Le Blanc-Louvry I Gricourt C Touré E Papin F Proust B 《Forensic science international》2012,221(1-3):e7-11
We report the case of a 27 year old man who was injured by a Taser gun device which penetrated the frontal part of the skull and damaged the underlying frontal lobe. Cerebral penetration was revealed by a brain CT scan. A neurosurgical procedure was required to remove the dart from the skull and brain and the evolution was successful allowing discharge of the patient one week later. There were no additional lesions, particularly electrifying lesion, as only one probe had penetrated the skull. We also observed the length of a Taser dart is sufficient to allow brain penetration. Fortunately, no infection or neurological complication occurred following brain injury. This case study underlines the potential risk induced by the use of Taser stun gun. Although generally regarded as a safe alternative, serious injuries have however been reported and questions regarding the safety of the device still remains unresolved. 相似文献
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C. Petit V. Martel-Petit S. Frackowiak 《Forensic Science International: Genetics Supplement Series》2008,1(1):60-62
This study proposes a new alternative solution in preferential extraction methods or microdissection to isolate and analyse single sperm cells in case of sexual assault. After the transfer of swabs in liquid culture medium, perpetrator's spermatozoas can be physically separated from victim's epithelial cells by using classical techniques of micromanipulation as ICSI (IntraCytoplasmic Spermatozoa Injection), usually applied for IVF (In vitro Fertilization). 相似文献
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Isabelle Steffen 《Swiss Political Science Review》2005,11(2):27-54
Dieser Beitrag analysiert die Disparitäten in den Arbeitslosenquoten der Schweizer Kantone zwischen 1992 und 2000. Im Zentrum der erklärenden Grössen stehen dabei legal‐rechtliche Institutionen des Arbeitsmarktes in den Kantonen, insbesondere das Ausrichten von Arbeitslosenhilfe sowie die Sanktionstätigkeit bei Missbrauch gegen die Arbeitslosenversicherung. Sie sind wichtige Bestandteile der kantonalen Arbeitsmarktpolitiken und schaffen nicht zuletzt unterschiedliche Anreizstrukturen und damit dauerhafte Unterschiede auf den kantonalen Arbeitsmärkten. Die Analyse zeigt, dass der kantonalen Arbeitsmarktpolitik ein nicht vernachlässigbarer Stellenwert für die Erklärung der kantonalen Unterschiede in den Arbeitslosenquoten zukommt. Kantone, die Missbräuche gegen die Arbeitslosenversicherung relativ stark ahnden und auf über das AVIG hinausgehende Leistungen an Arbeitslose verzichten, weisen eine signifikant geringere Arbeitslosenquote auf, als Kantone mit weniger rigider Sanktionspraxis und zusätzlicher Arbeitslosenhilfe. Während konjunkturelle Grössen zwar das Niveau der Arbeitslosigkeit allgemein, jedoch nicht die grossen Unterschiede zwischen den Kantonen erklären können, sorgen nicht zuletzt diese politisch‐institutionellen Faktoren für eine unterschiedliche Antwort der Kantone auf die konjunkturellen Rahmenbedingungen. 相似文献
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Stumbling block or stepping stone? The influence of direct democracy on individual participation in parliamentary elections 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper evaluates whether direct democracy supplements or undermines traditional representative democracy. While a first approach assumes that a culture of active direct democracy stimulates citizens’ political interest and ultimately bolsters participation in parliamentary elections, a competing hypothesis proposes a negative relationship between the frequency of ballot measures and electoral participation due to voter fatigue and decreased significance of elections. Our multilevel analysis of the 26 Swiss cantons challenges recent studies conducted for the U.S. states: In the Swiss context, where direct democracy is more important in the political process than the less salient parliamentary elections, greater use of direct democratic procedures is associated with a lower individual probability to participate in elections. Furthermore, by distinguishing between short and long-term effects of direct democracy, we show that the relationship observed is of a long-term nature and can therefore be seen as a result of adaptive learning processes rather than of instantaneous voter fatigue. 相似文献
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Do prime ministers pay an electoral penalty for using procedural force to pass laws? Influential theories of parliamentary governance and legislative bargaining assume that the use of the confidence vote procedure – parliamentary governments’ most powerful legislative weapon – entails an electoral cost, but evidence on this important claim has been scarce. This article provides the first estimates of how prime ministers’ public approval responds to their use of the confidence vote. Analysing time series data from France 1979–2008, it is found that prime ministers experience a considerable drop in approval after their use of the confidence vote that is not accounted for by standard economic and political covariates. The effect size is similar to a 1 per cent decline in economic growth. The findings help explain French prime ministers’ selective use of the confidence vote procedure. They also suggest that political costs constrain the bargaining power conferred by the confidence vote. 相似文献
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AbstractPoor women borrow from multiple sources. This study examines whether the source of debt matters for women’s role in household financial decisions. Drawing on a household survey from rural Tamil Nadu, we categorise women’s loans along the lines of accessibility and formality into ‘planned loans’ and ‘instant loans’. We find that ‘instant loans’ support women’s bargaining power in various types of household financial decisions, whereas ‘planned loans’ have no impact. This surprising result is better understood when the nature of ‘instant loans’ is examined – these are frequently usurious, involve coercive enforcement methods and are considered socially debasing. Hence women who use them perform a convenient role for their households and in return gain some negotiating power. 相似文献