首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   389篇
  免费   14篇
各国政治   36篇
工人农民   14篇
世界政治   98篇
外交国际关系   28篇
法律   165篇
中国政治   1篇
政治理论   57篇
综合类   4篇
  2023年   3篇
  2022年   2篇
  2021年   8篇
  2020年   18篇
  2019年   28篇
  2018年   31篇
  2017年   29篇
  2016年   23篇
  2015年   11篇
  2014年   19篇
  2013年   63篇
  2012年   15篇
  2011年   19篇
  2010年   10篇
  2009年   9篇
  2008年   9篇
  2007年   14篇
  2006年   7篇
  2005年   12篇
  2004年   8篇
  2003年   10篇
  2002年   8篇
  2001年   3篇
  2000年   6篇
  1999年   1篇
  1998年   1篇
  1997年   3篇
  1996年   3篇
  1995年   4篇
  1994年   1篇
  1993年   4篇
  1991年   2篇
  1989年   1篇
  1988年   3篇
  1987年   1篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   1篇
  1983年   1篇
  1981年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
  1977年   2篇
  1973年   3篇
  1968年   2篇
  1967年   1篇
  1965年   1篇
排序方式: 共有403条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
141.
Entity-voting in the Bosnian Parliamentary Assembly is a veto mechanism in Bosnia's consociational institutional setting and an important reason for the country's orientation towards the political status quo. An empirical analysis of the number and nature of adopted and rejected draft laws during the legislative period 2006–2010, embedded in George Tsebelis's veto player approach, leads to the conclusion that the veto players in the parliament – either delegates from Republika Srpska or delegates from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina – have pushed the consociational system of checks and balances to its extremes. Entity-voting enables the veto players to “hijack” the parliament for their exclusionary ethnic interests and discourages cooperation and compromise between the veto players. Significant legislation, which in the present article is defined as legislation relevant for the European Partnership, faces severe obstacles to getting passed. In the light of these findings, the article discusses three policy implications: institutional redesign, a change of the actors, and an active role of the European Union for providing the actors with a realistically achievable goal which they equally share. This should reset the current calculus of self-interest and encourage cooperation between the veto players.  相似文献   
142.
143.
144.
The article examines the development of the Yugoslav state's policy of transnational political engagement of Yugoslav citizens on temporary work in the FR Germany during the late 1960s and 1970s. This politicization of labor migrations was shaped by the interplay of the internal turmoil in the Yugoslav federation and the conditions peculiar to West Germany of the time. The change of the state's perception of external migrations is being examined through the extension of the agitation apparatus of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia onto the territory of the FR Germany and the mobilization of economic emigrants against the “hostile” political emigrants residing in that country. The main goal of these measures was to maintain the emigrants' transnational links to their homeland and ensure that their political standing was kept in line with the official Yugoslav ideological tenets until the time of the prospective return migration cycle. The extraterritorial character of these measures, coupled with the specific position of Yugoslavia within the Cold War diplomacy, led to a peculiar ideological interplay and shifting web of cooperation and confrontation between various actors.  相似文献   
145.
146.
A comparison between Iran's current nuclear efforts and those of the pro-Western regime of Shah Reza Pahlavi shows that Iranian ambitions for a full-fledged civilian nuclear programme have remained relatively constant for nearly half a century. Today, fuel cycle technology provides Iran with a latent nuclear weapon's potential. However, US concerns about an Iranian bomb, which began in the early 1970s and aggravated after the Iranian Revolution, long predate Teheran's uranium enrichment programme. Thus, Iran is a specific case of the general problem presented by the inherent potential of nuclear technology to both civilian and military ends. Approaches to dealing with a long-term, ambiguous, latent nuclear weapon threat, whether Iranian or other, are suggested.  相似文献   
147.
With recognition that police intervention by itself is not entirely effective, in recent years there has been a shift in public policies towards the implementation of a coordinated community response to domestic violence incidents. This article examines the impact of participation in several aspects of a coordinated community response (CCR) in a mid-sized city in the Midwest. Specifically, recidivism was examined using information on officially recorded re-arrests for 131 male domestic violence offenders involved in a CCR type intervention. In addition, exploratory analyses attempt to determine if certain offender characteristics are related to their likely of progressing through each of several post-conviction components of this CCR-type intervention. Limitations of the research and suggestions for policy responses to domestic violence are discussed.
Lisa R. MuftićEmail:
  相似文献   
148.
While police attitudes and behaviors have been the subject of a large number of studies conducted since the 1960s, very few studies had assessed Chinese police officers’ work-related attitudes and compared them with those of the U.S. police cadets. Using survey data collected from 263 Chinese and American police cadets, the research empirically tested whether Chinese and American police cadet attitudes differed across four attitudinal dimensions: aggressive patrol, order maintenance, legal restrictions, and distrust of citizens. Bivariate and multivariate results showed that Chinese cadets displayed occupational outlooks that distinguished them from their American counterparts. Chinese cadets supported aggressive patrol and were more distrustful of citizens than their American counterparts. American cadets were more favorable of order maintenance activities and more accepting of legal restrictions compared with Chinese cadets. Implications for future research and policy are discussed.  相似文献   
149.
This paper is a reconstruction of Levinas’ reading of Hegel and his understanding of violence (of the enemy and the war). Combining Franz Rosenzweig’s reflections which concern the sick philosopher and Hegel’s state, as well as Derrida’s interpretation of the different attributes of violence, our aim is also to give full evidence of Derrida’s critical reading of Levinas. The first part illustrates the various classifications of the figures of violence from the different periods of Hegel’s life and the traces that these figures have left in Levinas’ texts beginning with ‘Liberté et commandement’ in 1953. In the second part we discuss Hegel’s well-known analogy from his Rechtsphilosophie on sovereignty and the organism—that is to say the parallel reading of some paragraphs of Naturphilosophie too—and the relation between totality and violence, in Levinas’ ‘ontology as allergy’ and in Derrida’s autoimmunology.  相似文献   
150.
The current study investigated the association of psychopathic traits with violent and non-violent delinquency, delinquency versatility, and risky sexual behavior in Croatian sample of non-referred boys (n = 226) and girls (n = 480). Psychopathic traits were measured by the self-report Youth Psychopathic Traits Inventory (YPI). Consistent with the study’s hypotheses, Impulsive-Irresponsible and Callous-Unemotional dimensions were most consistently associated with all outcome measures. Results of the regression analyses showed that the Impulsive-Irresponsible behavioral style had stronger association with non-violent delinquency and delinquency versatility for boys. However, the Impulsive-Irresponsible dimension had stronger influence on risky sexual behavior for girls compared with boys. The results of a two-group confirmatory factor analysis revealed that the three-factor model of the YPI was invariant across gender.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号