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981.
The persistence of self-identified conservative Democrats in the electorate is puzzling. Both the ongoing Southern realignment and the recent ideological polarization should have resulted in conservative Democrats changing their party identification to accord with their discrepant ideology. Instead, the number of conservative Democrats, as a percentage of the total electorate, has held steady over the last 20 years. I propose an explanation for this phenomenon that draws upon theories of mass belief systems, as well as an element of recent political reality: the popular stigmatization of the word liberal. I argue that Democrats who are susceptible to elite cues garner positive affect toward the conservative label and negative affect toward the liberal label. They then identify themselves accordingly, regardless of their issue positions. 相似文献
982.
Feminist ideas and domestic violence policy change 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
983.
David J. H. Blake 《当代亚洲杂志》2020,50(3):407-432
ABSTRACT For over six decades, grandiose proposals calling for significant expansion of public irrigation schemes have been commonplace throughout the Mekong region, irrespective of the political configuration or developmental stage of each state. From Pol Pot’s Democratic Kampuchea to Thailand’s military and quasi-democratic regimes, irrigation has figured prominently on development agendas. Mainstream narratives around irrigation are embedded in a technocentric, developmental and nationalistic discourse, incorporating socially pre-conditioned beliefs and values that closely reflect the rhetoric of state-linked elites. This article critically examines some of the narratives employed by key actors and groups to justify ongoing practices and processes of irrigation development, focusing on Thailand and Cambodia. It seeks to look beyond conventional econometric and instrumental drivers, to consider other socio-political factors that may account for irrigation’s critical role as a “technology of control,” but which are rarely examined across comparative national contexts. Further, it proposes a dominant ideology of irrigation developmentalism or “irrigationalism” as a useful concept in explaining certain aspects of contemporary social power in these nations. State-led irrigation may be perceived as a utopian intervention that aids in the emergence of an effective monopolistic authority and control by bureaucracies and other powerful groups over development decision-making processes and silencing opposition. 相似文献
984.
Zachary Davis Cuyler 《Labor History》2019,60(1):57-77
ABSTRACTThis article examines anti-sectarianism and the technopolitics of labor mobilization at the facilities of the Trans-Arabian Pipeline (Tapline) company in Lebanon between 1950 and 1964. It argues that although Tapline helped sustain a Lebanese elite strategy of cross-sectarian power-sharing, it also unintentionally fostered specifically anti-sectarian labor mobilization. Pursuing a line of inquiry into the technopolitics of worker mobilization around oil infrastructure opened by Timothy Mitchell’s Carbon Democracy, this article specifically examines how Lebanese Tapline workers construed their actions, and did so in anti-sectarian terms. It also proposes that similar studies of labor and the technopolitics of infrastructure could offer productive avenues for inquiry into the origins of anti-sectarian politics in Lebanon. 相似文献
985.
986.
987.
988.
J. A. Chandler 《Political studies》1989,37(4):604-611
There are several important justifications for autonomous units of local government, derived from the writings of J. S. Mill and later theories concerning the value of pluralism. These arguments fail to show that local government is a morally necessary, as opposed to expedient, adjunct to liberal-democratic government. The paper develops from J. S. Mill's ideas on liberty a more substantive justification for local government based on the principle that local government can be a means for ensuring that the determination of collective decisions are made solely by those people affected by the decision. 相似文献
989.
A case of morbid self-violence (Münchhausen Syndrome) leading to death and a case of criminal self-violence (cutaneous emphysema) are reported. The issue of such cases is discussed with regard to the consequences concerning judicial procedure of punishment and insurance. 相似文献
990.
M Lo J C Vuletic T D Koelmeyer 《The American journal of forensic medicine and pathology》1992,13(1):44-49
In the 14-year period from 1976 to 1989, there have been 174 homicide victims in the Auckland colonial area. Data accessed from autopsy and police reports show that victims of marital conflict, family dispute, and arguments developing between nonmarried couples made up the largest proportion of homicide cases. Stabbing and assault with a blunt weapon were the most common causes of death. The data also show that homicide is relatively uncommon in Auckland in comparison with other cities of similar size. 相似文献