全文获取类型
收费全文 | 22761篇 |
免费 | 639篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1072篇 |
工人农民 | 886篇 |
世界政治 | 1795篇 |
外交国际关系 | 828篇 |
法律 | 13623篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 110篇 |
政治理论 | 4868篇 |
综合类 | 216篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 269篇 |
2019年 | 324篇 |
2018年 | 418篇 |
2017年 | 505篇 |
2016年 | 531篇 |
2015年 | 373篇 |
2014年 | 447篇 |
2013年 | 2305篇 |
2012年 | 527篇 |
2011年 | 556篇 |
2010年 | 478篇 |
2009年 | 496篇 |
2008年 | 581篇 |
2007年 | 610篇 |
2006年 | 595篇 |
2005年 | 512篇 |
2004年 | 516篇 |
2003年 | 548篇 |
2002年 | 484篇 |
2001年 | 871篇 |
2000年 | 785篇 |
1999年 | 663篇 |
1998年 | 365篇 |
1997年 | 305篇 |
1996年 | 264篇 |
1995年 | 260篇 |
1994年 | 306篇 |
1993年 | 278篇 |
1992年 | 425篇 |
1991年 | 488篇 |
1990年 | 442篇 |
1989年 | 454篇 |
1988年 | 433篇 |
1987年 | 466篇 |
1986年 | 456篇 |
1985年 | 441篇 |
1984年 | 390篇 |
1983年 | 412篇 |
1982年 | 324篇 |
1981年 | 310篇 |
1980年 | 233篇 |
1979年 | 351篇 |
1978年 | 232篇 |
1977年 | 198篇 |
1976年 | 181篇 |
1975年 | 190篇 |
1974年 | 204篇 |
1973年 | 188篇 |
1972年 | 154篇 |
1971年 | 139篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
941.
Adrienne Davidson Matthew Lesch Maxime Héroux-Legault Tanya Whyte Zain Asaf Karol Czuba 《Regional & Federal Studies》2017,27(2):103-125
The maintenance of welfare state policies requires citizen support for the provision of a social safety net through taxation and redistribution. Research has shown that a diverse political polity presents a risk to the welfare state; however, Canada bucks the trend and does not see citizen support for economic redistribution decline in response to immigration-based population diversity. Using Canada as our case, we argue that scholars of welfare state politics and redistribution should turn their attention to other sources of population heterogeneity in an effort to better understand how different political cleavages affect citizens’ redistributive preferences. We use an online experimental survey to manipulate the in-group identity of 500 Canadians. The survey enables respondents to identify with other in-group identities along regional, linguistic, income-group, and urban/rural characteristics. Our results find that while Canadians do have a strong baseline preference for redistributive behaviour, regional and linguistic cleavages moderate this outcome. 相似文献
942.
Sean M. Diament Adam J. Howat Matthew J. Lacombe 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(3):256-278
Many core graduate-level seminars claim to expose students to their discipline’s “canon.” The contents of this canon, however, can and do differ across departments and instructors. This project employs a survey of core American politics PhD seminar syllabi at highly ranked universities to construct a systematic account of the American politics canon. Our results offer valuable insights into the topics and literature that political scientists consider important and on which future scholars base their work. Our article breaks down the literature into a comprehensive list of topics and subtopics, which allows us to identify both an overall field canon and one for each topic, to assess whether some topics receive more attention than others, and to identify which topics are most clearly defined. We explore the extent to which diverse perspectives and methods are (or are not) taught to young scholars, and, although we identify sets of frequently assigned readings and authors within each topic, we also find considerable variation between seminars. 相似文献
943.
Matthew Woessner Kathleen H. Winters Kyle C. Kopko 《Journal of Political Science Education》2017,13(2):225-238
Undergraduate public law courses often attract students with competing expectations. Some students enroll in these courses to prepare for law school, while others enroll in the courses to gain a broader understanding of courts in the American system of government. These differing student constituencies can create a dilemma for instructors. A course designed to cater to students with a general interest in the judiciary may not afford prelaw students with an appreciation for the demands of the legal profession. Conversely, a course narrowly tailored toward prelaw students risks alienating the majority of students for whom this class may be their only look at the judiciary. As a means to promote pedagogical balance and to appeal to varied student constituencies, we profile five public law simulations in this article that engage students in active learning and promote a greater understanding of law and courts. 相似文献
944.
About half of the nations that experience civil war eventually relapse into renewed conflict within a few years after the original war ends. This observation has motivated a stream of research into the factors that affect the risk of peace failure in the aftermath of civil war. While the outcome of the previous civil war—for example, military victory versus peace agreement—structures the post-war environment in ways that affect the risk of peace failure, the capacity of the post-war state to enact and implement policies that affect the incentives for and capacity of groups to undertake armed violence as a means of advancing their interests should also affect the risks of peace failure. Using Geddes’ categories of nondemocratic regime types, we will present a theory of how different regime types have varying capacities to repress and/or implement accommodative policies that affect the risk of peace failure. We test propositions derived from this theory with a series of event history models. Our findings suggest that while peace agreements significantly increase the duration of post-civil war peace, peace agreements involving some types of nondemocratic regimes actually increase the risk of post-civil war peace failure. 相似文献
945.
Fred H. Lawson Matteo Legrenzi 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2017,52(1):76-87
Why the uprisings that broke out across the Middle East and North Africa in 2010-11 ousted the leaders of republics but left monarchies largely intact remains puzzling. One promising explanation for the resilience of monarchical regimes argues that monarchs exercise repression in a comparatively restrained and largely effective fashion. Proponents of this theory tend to conflate two crucial causal factors: the level of state coercion exercised against opposition activists and the degree of indiscriminateness with which coercion is deployed. By treating these variables as analytically distinct, a more compelling explanation for monarchical resilience can be advanced. The advantages of the revised argument are illustrated by revisiting the divergent trajectories of the uprisings in Bahrain, Oman, Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. 相似文献
946.
947.
Michael J. Barber Brandice Canes‐Wrone Sharece Thrower 《American journal of political science》2017,61(2):271-288
Individuals are the single largest source of campaign contributions, yet we know little about their motivations. For instance, the existing literature questions whether individual contributors sophisticatedly differentiate among candidates according to policy positions, particularly among same‐party candidates. We analyze this issue by combining data from a new survey of over 2,800 in‐ and out‐of‐state donors associated with the 2012 Senate elections, FEC data on contributors’ professions, and legislative records. Three major findings emerge. First, policy agreement between a donor's positions and a senator's roll calls significantly influences the likelihood of giving, even for same‐party contributors. Second, there is a significant effect of committee membership corresponding to a donor's occupation; this holds even for donors who claim that other motivations dominate, but it does not appear to be motivated by an expectation of access. Third, conditional upon a donation occurring, its size is determined by factors outside a legislator's control. 相似文献
948.
Timothy J. Ryan 《American journal of political science》2017,61(4):892-907
A hallmark finding in the study of public opinion is that many citizens approach the political realm with one‐sided attitudes that color their judgments, making attitude change difficult. This finding highlights the importance of citizens with weak prior attitudes, since they might represent a segment of the electorate that is more susceptible to influence. The judgment processes of citizens with weak attitudes, however, are poorly understood. Drawing from dual‐process models in psychology, I test the idea that citizens with weak explicit attitudes rely on implicit attitudes as they render political judgments. I find support for this conjecture in experimental and observational data. There are two main contributions. First, I show that an important and understudied segment of the electorate arrives at political decisions via automatic (but nonetheless predictable) mental processes. Second, I characterize the conditions under which implicit political attitudes matter more and less. 相似文献
949.
H. Leslie Steeves Janet Kwami 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2017,52(2):174-192
The One Laptop per Child (OLPC) project aims to make low-cost computers accessible to the “world’s poorest children,” presuming that the gadgets will support their empowerment via education. The project’s success globally, however, has been mixed at best, with many countries terminating their purchases due to cost, inadequate infrastructure, and negative side effects. In October 2010, Ghana suspended the country’s 3-year participation. This study examines the complex history and failure of OLPC Ghana in two pilot schools, one urban and one rural, with particular attention to gender bias. The analysis draws on interviews with government personnel, students, and teachers in the pilot classes. Despite lacking electric power in the rural community, UNDP’s Millennium Villages Project played a strong support role, making OLPC somewhat more effective with less of a gender divide in the rural school than in the urban school in Accra. Both pilot schools faced severe sustainability challenges raising decade-old questions about modernity and technological determinism. Further, in both schools, particularly the urban school, a digital divide by gender was evident. 相似文献
950.