全文获取类型
收费全文 | 335篇 |
免费 | 9篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 36篇 |
工人农民 | 3篇 |
世界政治 | 51篇 |
外交国际关系 | 3篇 |
法律 | 163篇 |
中国政治 | 4篇 |
政治理论 | 83篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2015年 | 5篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 26篇 |
2012年 | 9篇 |
2011年 | 16篇 |
2010年 | 15篇 |
2009年 | 16篇 |
2008年 | 18篇 |
2007年 | 11篇 |
2006年 | 14篇 |
2005年 | 19篇 |
2004年 | 10篇 |
2003年 | 8篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 6篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1996年 | 6篇 |
1995年 | 3篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 8篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 7篇 |
1990年 | 8篇 |
1989年 | 8篇 |
1988年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 4篇 |
1986年 | 7篇 |
1985年 | 9篇 |
1984年 | 4篇 |
1983年 | 5篇 |
1982年 | 4篇 |
1981年 | 11篇 |
1980年 | 5篇 |
1979年 | 5篇 |
1978年 | 6篇 |
1976年 | 8篇 |
1975年 | 2篇 |
1974年 | 3篇 |
1972年 | 2篇 |
1969年 | 3篇 |
1968年 | 3篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1964年 | 2篇 |
1963年 | 2篇 |
1959年 | 2篇 |
排序方式: 共有344条查询结果,搜索用时 0 毫秒
91.
Abstract. Perhaps the strongest empirical finding in political science is 'Gamson's Law': the near-perfect relationship that exists in parliamentary systems between a coalition party's seat contribution to the government and its quantitative allocation of cabinet portfolios. Nevertheless, doubts remain. What would happen if the salience or importance of the various portfolios was also taken into account? Should it not be the case that payoffs correspond with bargaining power rather than seat contributions? And perhaps most significantly, would addressing these issues produce evidence that the parties designated to form governments extract disproportionately large payoffs for themselves, as predicted by 'proposer' models of bargaining? Utilizing the results of a new expert survey of portfolio salience in 14 Western European countries, the authors of this article explore each of these questions. Their basic finding is that salience-weighted portfolios payoffs overwhelmingly mirror seat contributions, contra proposer models and any other models based on bargaining power. The article concludes with a discussion of the implications for formal models of bargaining. 相似文献
92.
93.
94.
In a recent analysis of the role and office of premier in Australia, Shaman, Hughes and Tuffin demonstrate that its fundamental characteristics derive 'not from interaction with the broader political context but from the inherent logic of [the] constitutional system'. In this paper we test this argument by comparing Australian state premiers with their Canadian provincial counterparts. If Shaman et al. are correct about the institutional imperatives of leadership careers, Canadians and Australians ought to have similar career patterns given the basic similarities between the two systems. Where differences exist, they may be explained by the selection processes used by parties to choose their leaders. 相似文献
95.
This article argues for policies regarding the implementation of evaluation as an integral part of science education reform. Approaches to evaluation should be made comprehensive enough to include multiple methods and, through their use, to gain in‐depth information on large‐scale science education programs and projects. There must be a sustained commitment from stakeholders such as the National Science Foundation to support the training of specialists in the evaluation of science education. Specialists who are able to arrive at independent conclusions that are meaningful and beneficial for science teaching and learning are needed. Evaluation recommendations posited by the authors should be put through careful analysis and feasibility testing before moving to widespread adoption. 相似文献
96.
97.
This article uses information on state and local education spending from 1989–1990 through 2005–2006 to examine the impact of economic conditions on the pattern of real revenue per student. We find that typical economic and other observable education demand determinants are significant in explaining the pattern of real revenue per student before and after the 2001 recession. We also find that there is no economically significant change in how governments responded to economic conditions after the 2001 recession. Finally, our results provide strong evidence that local governments attempted to offset state declines in revenues by increases in local revenues. 相似文献
98.
GEORGE A. BOYNE OLIVER JAMES PETER JOHN AND NICOLAI PETROVSKY 《Public administration》2010,88(1):136-153
In many political systems the political neutrality of senior managers' tenure is often cherished as a key part of the politics-administration dichotomy and is subject to formal safeguards. We test hypotheses about the impact of political change on senior management turnover drawn from political science, public administration and private sector management theory. Using panel data to control for unobserved heterogeneity between authorities, we find that changes in political party control and low organizational performance have both separate and joint positive effects on the turnover rate of senior managers. By contrast, the most senior manager, the chief executive, is more sheltered: the likelihood of a chief executive succession is higher only when party change and low performance occur together. Thus the arrival of a new ruling party reduces the tenure of senior managers, but chief executives are vulnerable to political change only when performance is perceived as weak. 相似文献
99.
JAMES D. UNNEVER 《犯罪学》2008,46(2):511-538
Analyzing The Washington Post, Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation, and Harvard University 2006 African American Survey, the current project focuses on three related issues. First, I examine whether African Americans and whites share a common “sensibility” or “cognitive landscape” when considering why African‐American men are disproportionately imprisoned. Second, the current research investigates whether the sensibilities held by African Americans and whites are collectively held. Third, I investigate whether the relative subordinate position of African Americans—as manifested in their personal experiences with racial discrimination—shapes the opinions that they have about why black men are disproportionately incarcerated. Findings reveal that African Americans and whites significantly differ in their opinions about why black men are imprisoned. They also show that deep divisions exist among whites, whereas African Americans tend to share a common sensibility as to why black males are disproportionately incarcerated. The results reveal that the cognitive landscape that African Americans collectively hold about why black men are incarcerated is shaped by their personal experiences with racial discrimination. 相似文献
100.