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SIMON PRIDEAUX 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(4):540-548
Tony Blair has made no secret of his admiration for the philosophical works of John Macmurray. This article shows that Blair recognises Macmurray's contribution to the understanding of the individual in society. Blair readily acknowledges Macmurray's overriding desire for philosophy to place individuals in their rightful social setting. Yet Blair views this philosophical shift as a reinforcement of modern notions of community that emphasise an obligation to others as well as to oneself. It is my contention that this may be a misreading of the specifics that lay behind the works of Macmurray. By implication, this error in understanding could have led New Labour to pursue a social policy direction that contradicts Macmurray's visions of capitalism and its effects upon human agency, behaviour, rationality and morality. Consequently, this article examines the works of Macmurray in an attempt to show that Tony Blair and New Labour are in danger of making false assumptions on how to revive a contemporary sense of community through the bedrock of a traditional family unit supported by the model of the 'rational economic man'. 相似文献
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JONATHAN MENDILOW 《Political studies》1982,30(4):485-503
Abstract. An examination of the multi-party system in Israel and to a large extent also in France during the last two decades reveals the emergence of three distinct types of party clusters. These approximate to a limited extent to Kirchheimer's catch-all thesis, but reveal motives and conditions other than those he postulated. The party clusters are distinguished as Conglomerate Blocs, Proportionally Amalgamated Parties and Unitary Amalgamated Parties. An analysis of the party systems in at least these two countries show the conditions likely to foster the formation of such party configurations, their modes of operation, and the internal stresses they generate. 相似文献
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This article discusses the lessons of previous peace processes between the government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (farc). It has two policy implications. In regard to Colombia it suggests that safeguarding the lives of demobilised farc members is necessary for the current peace process to succeed, hence it proposes a hybrid Specialised Protection Force (spf). In terms of peace building the article discusses the challenges for spfs to avoid becoming tools of foreign policy diplomacy that perpetuate conflicts. The article aims to contribute to both the critique of liberal peace and of the negotiating teams in the current Colombian peace process. 相似文献
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