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91.
Participation in legislative debates is among the most visible activities of members of parliament (MPs), yet debates remain an understudied form of legislative behavior. This study introduces a comparative theory of legislative speech with two major implications. First, party rules for debates are endogenous to strategic considerations and will favor either party leadership control or backbencher MP exposure. Second, in some systems, backbenchers will receive less time on the floor as their ideological distance to the party leadership increases. This leads to speeches that do not reflect true party cohesion. Where party reputation matters less for reelection, leaders allow dissidents to express their views on the floor. We demonstrate the implications of our model for different political systems and present evidence using speech data from Germany and the United Kingdom. 相似文献
92.
Sebastian N. Kunz M.D. Bettina Zinka Ph.D. Sybille Fieseler M.D. Matthias Graw Ph.D. Oliver Peschel Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2012,57(6):1591-1594
Abstract: Conducted electrical weapons (CEWs) such as the TASER® M‐ and X‐series deliver short high‐voltage, low‐current energy pulses to temporarily paralyze a person by causing electrical interruption of the body’s normal energy pulses. Despite many scientific publications, which classify the health risks of an appropriate use of the TASER device as minor, there still is a continuous uncertainty about possible side effects with human application. Based on a literature search of the National Library of Medicine’s MEDLINE database’s PubMed system of current publications, the following article describes the mechanisms by which the device operates and discusses possible pathophysiological consequences. The majority of current human literature has not found evidence of clinical relevant pathophysiological effects during and after an exposure of professionally applied CEWs. However, to be able to exclude possible health risks, a medical checkup of people who have been exposed to CEWs is essential. 相似文献
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95.
Oliver Richmond 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2014,27(1):1-20
As a response to the dynamics of state formation, statebuilding has not created model states in the last twenty years as was intended. Instead, the states that have emerged around the world are heavily contextually contingent. This is despite international attempts to shape them according to a common pattern, dominated by neoliberal models of statehood. This raises the question of what kind of hybrid states are actually forming as a result of the encounter between international statebuilding and local political dynamics? This article argues that international statebuilding aims to create neoliberal states and treats local political dynamics as dysfunctional. Yet from a local perspective the limitations of the statebuilding model are also apparent, as is the need for any locally legitimate state to be grounded in its context. 相似文献
96.
Vetting those who work with children and vulnerable adults is an emotive topic and one which can prove a challenging area for employers. The legitimate interest that parents, carers and employers have in screening those charged with the care of others can be in direct conflict with the most fundamental principles of economic freedom and employees’ human rights. The desire to balance these conflicting objectives is at the heart of the Safeguarding Vulnerable Groups Act 2006, which introduces what is being heralded as the most inclusive and comprehensive vetting and barring system to date. The changes dramatically widen the scope of workers who are subject to vetting and barring processes, covering employees, volunteers and contractors in the education, care and health industries, and affecting some 11.3 million people in the UK. This new scheme is of particular relevance and importance to schools and other educational institutions, who will be directly affected by the changes. This article will examine the practical employment implications of the new regime and the new obligations that the Vetting and Barring Scheme creates for both employers and employees. 相似文献
97.
Cooper GA Allen DL Scott KS Oliver JS Ditton J Smith ID 《Journal of forensic sciences》2000,45(2):400-406
Drug use histories were collected from 100 subjects recruited from the "dance scene" in and around Glasgow, Scotland. In addition, each subject donated a hair sample which was analyzed by gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS) for amphetamine (AP), methamphetamine (MA), 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MD MA) and 3,4-methylenedioxyethylamphetamine (MDEA). The hair samples were analyzed in two 6 cm segments or in full, ranging from 1.5 to 12 cm depending on the length of the hair. Approximately 10 mg of hair was ground to a fine powder before treatment with beta-glucuronidase/aryl sulfatase. A solid-phase extraction procedure was carried out followed by derivatization with pentafluoropropionic anhydride (PFPA). All extracts were analyzed by gas chromatography/mass spectrometry (GC/MS). Of the 139 segments analyzed, 77 (52.5%) were positive for at least one of the five amphetamines. The drug concentrations found in the hair were compared with the self-reported drug histories. A concordance of greater than 50% was found between the self-report data and levels detected in hair. However, no correlation was found between the reported number of "ecstasy" tablets consumed and the drug levels detected in hair. An increase in the average drug levels measured was observed from low to high use (number of "ecstasy" tablets/month). A large number of false negatives and a low number of false positives were observed. 相似文献
98.
The Limitations of 'Policy Transfer' and 'Lesson Drawing' for Public Policy Research 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
The concepts of 'lesson drawing' and 'policy transfer' have become increasingly influential ways of understanding public policy, especially in the UK. However, the main proponents of the concepts, Rose for 'lesson drawing' and Dolowitz and Marsh for 'policy transfer', have difficulty in providing convincing answers to three questions that are important for them and those engaged in similar studies. First, can they be defined as distinctive forms of policy- making separate from other, more conventional, forms? 'Lesson drawing' is very similar to conventional accounts of 'rational' policy-making and 'policy transfer' is very difficult to define distinctly from many other forms of policy-making. Second, why does 'lesson drawing' and 'policy transfer' occur rather than some other form of policy-making? The proponents of 'policy transfer' put a set of diverse and conflicting theories under a common framework, obscuring differences between them. Third, what are the effects of 'lesson drawing' and 'policy transfer' on policy-making and how do they compare to other processes? Whilst the effect of more 'lesson drawing' seems to be more 'rational' policy-making, the effect of 'policy transfer' on policy 'success' and 'failure' is less clear. Dolowitz and Marsh redescribe aspects of 'failure' as different forms of 'transfer' rather than giving independent reasons for outcomes based on features of transfer processes. Overall, particularly in the case of 'policy transfer', researchers may be better off selecting from a range of alternative approaches than limiting themselves to these conceptual frameworks. 相似文献
99.
This article reports the results of a multiyear series of economicexperiments comparing the two dominant types of legal proceduresused in adjudication: (1) the 'adversarial' model of party-controlledprocedure versus (2) the 'inquisitorial' model of judge-controlledprocedure. The principal finding is that the relative fact-findingefficiency of the two systems, in terms of both the 'revelation'of hidden facts and the 'accuracy' of decision, depends significantlyupon the information structure. Under a 'private' informationstructure, inquisitorial procedure is relatively more efficient,whereas under a 'correlated' information structure, adversarialprocedure is relatively more efficient. 相似文献
100.
This article develops and tests a parliamentarian‐centred decision model of the collaboration between interest groups (IGs) and parliamentarians. We posit that parliamentarians face a trade‐off when deciding on IG ties that offer them either political (policy support and votes) or financial benefits (additional income). We theorise the balance in this trade‐off to be moderated by ideology and tenure because both introduce variations in IG ties’ utility across politicians. Using Swiss longitudinal data from 1985 to 2015 on 743 parliamentarians and their 5,431 IG board positions, we show that parliamentarians become more financial benefit‐seeking over time. This holds in particular if they belong to right‐leaning parties. We also find self‐imposed restrictions for new and left‐leaning parliamentarians on seeking financial benefits. This highlights that parliamentarians are responsive to their partisan constituents when building their IG tie portfolio. 相似文献