A LITTLE HELP FROM OUR FRIENDS: Citizen Predisposition to Intervene in Spouse Abuse

Since victims' opportunities to seek help are constrained, observers can play an important role in aiding vicitims of spouse abuse. Many witnesses, however, are reluctant to act. By examining some of the reasons for this reluctance, this paper attempts to provide information that can be used to structure attempts to increase the propensity of observers to intervene—either personally or by summoning outside help. Hypotheses derived from a review of the literatures on crime reporting and helping behavior were tested in a random-digit dialed general population telephone survey of 1, 208 Chicago households. Measures of perceptions of crime, experiences with and opinions of the police, community ties, and standard demographic variables were included. In conjunction with census data on respondents' neighborhoods, this permitted an examination of the individual and joint influences of experiential, attitudinal, structural, and contextual effects on observer responses. Following presentation of findings, research and policy implications are discussed.     

Policy competition in the 2002 French legislative and presidential elections

Abstract.  The French two-round system of presidential elections forces candidates to choose strategies designed to maximize their votes in two different, potentially conflicting strategic contexts: a first round contest between many candidates, and a second round between (typically) a left- and a right-oriented candidate. Following a constitutional change in 2000, furthermore, presidential elections are synchronized with legislative elections, more tightly linking presidential candidates to the policy platforms of the parties they represent. This article examines the consequences of policy positioning by presidential candidates, measuring, comparing and assessing positioning in the legislative elections and in the first and second presidential election rounds. The measures come from an expert survey taken in 2002, from content analysis of party manifestos and presidential speeches, and from the 2002 French National Election Survey. The findings provide hard empirical confirmation of two commonly perceived propositions: first, that Jospin's first-round loss resulted from strategic error in moving too close to the policy centre, and second, that Chirac's won an overwhelming second-round victory because he collected all of the voters from candidates eliminated in the first round.     

CORRELATES OF VIOLENT POLITICAL EXTREMISM IN THE UNITED STATES*

Although research on terrorism has grown rapidly in recent years, few scholars have applied criminological theories to the analysis of individual‐level political extremism. Instead, researchers focused on radicalization have drawn primarily from political science and psychology and have overwhelmingly concentrated on violent extremists, leaving little variation in the dependent variable. With the use of a newly available data set, we test whether variables derived from prominent criminological theories are helpful in distinguishing between nonviolent and violent extremists. The results show that variables related to social control (lack of stable employment), social learning (radical peers), psychological perspectives (history of mental illness), and criminal record all have significant effects on participation in violent political extremism and are robust across multiple techniques for imputing missing data. At the same time, other common indicators of social control (e.g., education and marital status) and social learning perspectives (e.g., radical family members) were not significant in the multivariate models. We argue that terrorism research would benefit from including criminology insights and by considering political radicalization as a dynamic, evolving process, much as life‐course criminology treats more common forms of crime.