Personal vote‐seeking in flexible list systems: How electoral incentives shape Belgian MPs' bill initiation behaviour

It is well known that different types of electoral systems create different incentives to cultivate a personal vote and that there may be variation in intra‐party competition within an electoral system. This article demonstrates that flexible list systems – where voters can choose to cast a vote for the list as ordered by the party or express preference votes for candidates – create another type of variation in personal vote‐seeking incentives within the system. This variation arises because the flexibility of party‐in‐a‐district lists results from voters' actual inclination to use preference votes and the formal weight of preference votes in changing the original list order. Hypotheses are tested which are linked to this logic for the case of Belgium, where party‐in‐a‐district constituencies vary in their use of preference votes and the electoral reform of 2001 adds interesting institutional variation in the formal impact of preference votes on intra‐party seat allocation. Since formal rules grant Belgian MPs considerable leeway in terms of bill initiation, personal vote‐seeking strategies are inferred by examining the use of legislative activity as signalling tool in the period between 1999 and 2007. The results establish that personal vote‐seeking incentives vary with the extent to which voters use preference votes and that this variable interacts with the weight of preference votes as defined by institutional rules. In addition, the article confirms the effect of intra‐party competition on personal vote‐seeking incentives and illustrates that such incentives can underlie the initiation of private members bills in a European parliamentary system.     

Going,going, . . . gone? The decline of party membership in contemporary Europe

This article offers an overview of levels of party membership in European democracies at the end of the first decade of the twenty‐first century and looks also at changes in these levels over time, comparing party membership today with figures from both 1980 and the late 1990s. While relying primarily on the direct and individual membership figures as reported by the parties themselves, the fit of the data with survey data is explored and it is concluded that the two perform well in terms of convergent validity. The differences between large and small democracies are examined, as well as old and new democracies, and it is found that levels of party membership are related to both the size and age of the democratic polity in question. Finally, the implications of the patterns observed in the membership data are discussed, and it is suggested that membership has now reached such a low ebb that it may no longer constitute a relevant indicator of party organisational capacity.     

Sovereignty and International Order

Abstract. Sovereignty may be threatened by obligations and relations with other nations, states or powers from either an “internal” or “external” perspective. In this paper, I argue that these obligations and relationships may be compatible with a state's sovereignty if we understand the proper nature of authoritative relationships. This requires a model of “rational authority” which places emphasis on the first-person perspective of the subjects to authority.     

Disproportionate Representation: Communities of Color in the Domestic Violence,Juvenile Justice,and Child Welfare Systems

A number of State and Federal surveys show that communities of color are involved with the domestic violence, child welfare, and juvenile justice systems at rates that are disproportionately higher than their population size. As courts are responsible for decisions that could propel families into these systems, it has become increasingly critical that judges become aware of these trends. This article will provide an overview of the current statistics on the disproportionate representation of communities of color in the domestic violence, child welfare, and juvenile justice systems. It will discuss the factors that are contributing to these trends and present preliminary recommendations for judicial leadership and decision making.     

PEER GROUP SUPPORT FOR POLICE OCCUPATIONAL DEVIANCE

Although there have been several journalistic and impressionistic accounts of police corrupt behavior, there are few empirical studies of this phenomenon. One of the reasons for this lack of research is the absence of theoretical frames of reference to guide research endeavors. This paper deals with police corruption as but one of many forms of occupational deviance and discusses the manner in which the social conditions existing within the occupational milieu contribute to such corruption. In particular. the paper examines the manner in which the opportunity structure and socialization practices within the occupation combine with peer group support to create a social situation where certain corrupt acts are tolerated and accepted.     

CORRELATES OF PRISON DRUG USE An Evaluation of Two Conceptual Models

This study, essentially an extension of the recent work of Akers et al., represents an attempt to evaluate the utility of two theoretical paradigms in accounting for illicit drug use in a prison setting. Based on self-report data obtained from a sample of 273 adult felons who were confined in a medium security penitentiary, the analysis presented demonstrates that virtually all of those inmates who reported drug use within the prison had also used drugs prior to their confident. Thus, contrary to the implications of the “deprivation model,” but fully consistent with those of the “importation model” this particular pattern of prison behavior is clearly not a direct function of the conditions of confinement. Instead, while the structure of the prison may well influence the probability that those who have used drugs prod to con/unmet will continue to do so while in prison, drug use appears to be an example of a type of behavior within the prison which is best predicted by preprison socialization and experience.     

Owning ASFA

As New York and many other jurisdictions struggle to comply with the timelines of the Adoption and Safe Families Act (ASFA), the experiences of the Expedited Permanency Part of the New York City Model Court under the direction of Judge Sara Schechter may provide helpful approaches for overcoming unnecessary delays and obstacles. Despite resistance to change, scarce resources, and a shortage of attorneys for indigent respondents, the New York City Model Court has been able to implement ASFA without sacrificing due process in the handling of child protective and permanency proceedings. Some of these strategies include extensive case conferencing, the use of specially trained conference facilitators, time‐certain appointments, and compliance reviews conducted by a referee. The New York City Model Court has found that integrating these new approaches has markedly improved the permanency outcomes for the children within its jurisdiction. Innovations piloted in the New York City Model Court are being replicated throughout the five boroughs of the city.