Subprime mortgage lending in the early 2000s was a leading cause of the Great Recession. From 2003 to 2006, subprime loans jumped from 7.6% of the mortgage market to 20.1%, with black and Latino borrowers receiving a disproportionate share. This article leveraged the Home Mortgage Disclosure Act data and multinomial regression to model home-purchase mortgage lending in 2006, the peak of the housing boom. The findings expose a complicated story of race and income. Consistent with previous research, blacks and Latinos were more likely and Asians less likely to receive subprime loans than whites were. Income was positively associated with receipt of subprime loans for minorities, whereas the opposite was true for whites. When expensive (jumbo) loans were excluded from the sample, regressions found an even stronger, positive association between income and subprime likelihood for minorities, supporting the theory that wealthier minorities were targeted for subprime loans when they could have qualified for prime loans. This finding also provides another example of an aspect of American life in which minorities are unable to leverage higher class position in the same way as whites are. Contrary to previous research, model estimates did not find that borrowers paid a penalty (in increased likelihood of subprime outcome) for buying homes in minority communities. 相似文献
In sub-Saharan Africa, 72 per cent of urban and 98 per cent of rural households use fuelwood for energy. In Kenya use of charcoal in urban areas has risen by 64 per cent in two decades. Despite the charcoal industry providing employment to 500,000 people and generating over US$427 million that benefits grassroots communities, it has been kept out of the formal economies of this country. This review presents the status of the charcoal industry in Kenya, highlighting its contribution to livelihoods, production, utilisation, and implications for the environment; policy issues; and stakeholders' involvement. The review also proposes strategies to improve the sustainability of this sector.
La production de charbon de bois au Kenya et des stratégies pour l'augmentation de sa durabilité
Dans l'Afrique subsaharienne 72 pour cent de ménages urbains et 98 pour cent de ménages ruraux se servent du bois combustible pour leur propre énergie. Au Kenya l'usage de charbon de bois dans les secteurs urbains a augmenté par 64 pour cent au cours de deux décennies. Malgré le fait qu'elle fournit un emploi à 500,000 personnes et qu'elle génère plus de US$427 million de bénéfice aux collectivités populaires, l'industrie du charbon de bois reste écartée des économies formelles de ce pays. Cet examen présente la situation de l'industrie du charbon de bois au Kenya, en soulignant sa contribution aux moyens d'existence, à la production, et à l'utilisation ainsi que les implications pour l'environnement ; des questions concernant la politique ; et l'implication des parties prenantes. L'examen propose également des stratégies pour l'amélioration de la durabilité de cette industrie.
Producción de carbón y estrategias para aumentar su sostenibilidad en Kenia
En el África subsahariana, 72% de los hogares urbanos y 98% de los hogares rurales utilizan la leña como fuente de energía. En las áreas urbanas de Kenia, el uso de carbón ha aumentado 64% en dos décadas. A pesar de que la industria de carbón crea empleo para 500 mil personas, generando us$427 millones en beneficios para las comunidades de base, se la ha marginado de las economías formales de este país. El presente artículo examina la situación de la industria de carbón en Kenia, analizando, por un lado, su contribución a los medios de vida, y por otro, su forma de producción y su utilización, así como sus implicaciones para temas de política ambiental, además de la participación de los actores en la misma. Asimismo, el artículo propone estrategias para mejorar la sostenibilidad del sector.
Produção de carvão e estratégia para aumentar sua sustentabilidade no Quênia
Na África Subsaariana, 72 por cento de famílias da zona urbana e 98 por cento de famílias da zona rural utilizam lenha como fonte de energia. No Quênia,o uso de carvão nas áreas urbanas cresceu 64 por cento em duas décadas. Apesar da indústria de carvão proporcionar emprego a 500.000 pessoas e gerar mais de US$427 milhões que beneficiam comunidades de base, ela tem sido deixada de fora das economias formais deste país. Esta revisão apresenta o status da indústria de carvão no Quênia, destacando sua contribuição para os meios de subsistência, produção, utilização e implicações para o meio ambiente; questões de políticas e envolvimento dos stakeholders. A revisão também propõe estratégias para melhorar a sustentabilidade deste setor. 相似文献
In recent decades many regional inter-governmental organizations have adopted agreements committing all member states to maintain democratic governments, and specifying punishments to be levied against member states that revert to authoritarianism. These treaties have a surprisingly high enforcement rate – nearly all states subject to them that have experienced governmental succession by coup have been suspended by the relevant IGO(s). However, relatively little is known about whether these treaties are deterring coups. This article offers an original theory of how these international agreements could deter coups d’état, focusing on the way that a predictably adverse international reaction complicates the incentives of potential coup participants. An analysis of the likelihood of coups for the period of 1991–2008 shows that states subject to democracy were on average less likely to experience coups, but that this finding was not statistically significant in most models. However, when restricting the analysis to democracies, middle-income states with democracy clauses were significantly less likely to experience coup attempts. Moreover, the African democracy regime appears to be particularly effective, significantly reducing the likelihood of coup attempts for middle-income states regardless of regime type. 相似文献
This study examines the importance of modes of communication in the context of acquaintance rape, using 96 reported cases of acquaintance rape from a southeastern law enforcement agency. Through the demographic characteristics of each acquaintance rape, as well as the testimonies of the complainants and—in some cases—the accused, this research reveals the way in which victims communicate their responses to these attacks. A typology of modes of communication clearly emerges from these qualitative data. The patterns of communication further underscore the likelihood of passive responses, particularly the complete lack of communication when the victim “freezes.” The implications of such response modes are considered. 相似文献
This article analyses the impact of metagovernance on the functioning of local governance networks. It does so by comparing the functioning of four local governance networks in the field of local employment policy in Denmark. Between 2007 and 2009, two of these networks were linked to jobcentres in which the municipality and a state agency shared responsibility for employment policy, while the other two were linked to jobcentres in which the municipality had full responsibility. We explore two types of metagovernance that the local governance networks were subject to: general, hands-off metagovernance consisting of the assignment of full responsibility to the municipality alone, or of shared responsibility to the municipality and the state jointly; and tailored and fine-tuned metagovernance directed towards only one or a few networks and their corresponding jobcentre(s). Our findings suggest that, as network governance becomes a mature phenomenon, the importance of metagovernance increases, particularly for strategic reasons. More specifically, we find that the functioning of local governance networks is only marginally affected by acts of general, hands-off metagovernance, such as the different organisational set-ups ascribed to the jobcentres. More influential are the hands-on network management tools, such as direct consultancy. Hands-on metagovernance instruments, however, are more costly for the metagovernor. Whichever tool is applied, the local actors' responsiveness to metagovernance is significant for the outcome. 相似文献
This article deals with the fact that central–local relations in a multilevel system often seems to create tensions. A district council reform in the city of Bergen, Norway intended to decentralise authority within the political system of the city ended up with a more centralised relationship between central and local levels. With this observation as a point of departure we categorise decentralisation according to the degree of discretion available for the local level concerning a) objectives and b) means to reach the objectives. By combining these dimensions we identify two types of decentralisation; administrative and political. We claim that all central–local relations will exert features of both types. The mere presence of political bodies is therefore not sufficient to characterise a specific relation as politically decentralised. We conclude the article by discussing some conditions for successful multilevel governance. The conditions draw on experiences from the Bergen district reform, but may have relevance in a wider context. 相似文献
There are growing pressures for the public sector to be more innovative but considerable disagreement about how to achieve it. This article uses institutional and organizational analysis to compare three major public innovation strategies. The article confronts the myth that the market‐driven private sector is more innovative than the public sector by showing that both sectors have a number of drivers of as well as barriers to innovation, some of which are similar, while others are sector specific. The article then systematically analyzes three strategies for innovation: New Public Management, which emphasizes market competition; the neo‐Weberian state, which emphasizes organizational entrepreneurship; and collaborative governance, which emphasizes multiactor engagement across organizations in the private, public, and nonprofit sectors. The authors conclude that the choice of strategies for enhancing public innovation is contingent rather than absolute. Some contingencies for each strategy are outlined. 相似文献