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191.
Jay K. Dow 《Political Behavior》2009,31(1):117-136
This study assesses whether gender-based differences in political knowledge primarily result from differences in observable
attributes or from differences in returns for otherwise equivalent characteristics. It applies a statistical decomposition
methodology to data obtained from the 1992–2004 American National Election Studies. There is a consistent 10-point gender
gap in measured political knowledge, of which approximately one-third is due to gender-based differences in the characteristics
that predict political knowledge, with the remaining two-thirds due to male–female differences in the returns to these characteristics.
The methodology identifies the relative contribution of the predictors of political knowledge to each portion of the gap,
and then uses this information to elucidate the underlying sources of the political knowledge gender gap and its prognosis.
Education is the characteristic that most clearly enlarges the gap, with men receiving significantly larger returns to political
knowledge from education than women. Group membership reduces the gap as women obtain gains in political knowledge from belonging
to organizations that do not accrue to men. However, these gains are not sufficient to significantly reduce the gap.
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Jay K. DowEmail: |
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193.
The present study provides a comparative analysis of sexual-minority and heterosexual emerging adult women’s experiences seeking support for sexual issues from parents and friends. Participants included 229 college women (88 sexual-minority women; 141 heterosexual women), ranging from 18 to 25 years of age, who provided written responses to an inquiry about a time they went to friends and parents for support for a issue related to their sexuality. Responses indicated that the majority of participants had sought support from either a parent or a friend and that mothers and female friends were more likely involved than fathers or male friends, respectively. Sexual issues that participants reported discussing with parents and friends were inductively grouped into five categories: dating and romantic relationships, sexual behavior, sexual health, identity negotiation, and discrimination and violence. Issues that were discussed differed based on sexual orientation identity and the source of support (parent or friend); they did not differ by age. Participants generally perceived parents and friends’ responses as helpful, though sexual-minority participants perceived both parents and friends’ responses as less helpful than did heterosexual participants. Overall, results suggest both similarities and differences between sexual-minority and heterosexual young women’s experiences seeking support for sexual issues from parents and friends. 相似文献
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195.
This article explores the construction of extremism in media discourse, the factors driving specific constructions and the implications of these constructions for counterterrorism policy. We contend that extremism has predominantly and increasingly been framed as a security issue. This article explores the implications of this practice through the framework of securitisation. We measure the average intensity of security framing in 38,616 articles found in three major US newspapers, New York Times, Wall Street Journal and Los Angeles Times, between 20 January 1993 and 19 January 2017 comprising the Clinton, Bush and Obama presidencies, and look at factors influencing the shift in intensity over time. Through our analysis, we show that it is possible to return to a pre-9/11 discourse but that the confluence of real-world events and the strategic choices of political actors have so far prevented this from fully occurring. We then explore the effect of securitisation on public perceptions of the threat from terrorism, finding that increases in the intensity of security framing artificially increases the public’s worry about becoming a victim of terrorism. We conclude by discussing implications for the communication of counterterrorism policy and the requirements for an after, after 9/11 approach 相似文献
196.
Levey Emma K. V. Garandeau Claire F. Meeus Wim Branje Susan 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2019,48(6):1068-1081
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Adolescence tends to be characterized by a temporary peak in delinquent behavior, and friends in particular play a key role in the initiation and the development... 相似文献
197.
T. K. Vinod Kumar 《Victims & Offenders》2018,13(1):122-141
Crime victim–police interface and registration of crime are the early and fundamental interactions in the criminal justice system. The process of lodging a complaint is marked by the pain of victimization, sharing of information, and expectation of quick remedial action from the police. The nature and quality of experience of the victim and outcomes impact the level of satisfaction with services of police. Through a survey of victims of property crimes, in different areas of a state in India, the author examines the impact of procedural justice and outcomes on victim satisfaction. The study illuminates the outcome oriented expectations of the victim, and the unique dynamics of victim–police interaction, which strains the legal ethical framework of the criminal justice system. 相似文献
198.
A number of studies have shown that arts and cultural programs offer multifarious benefits to individuals and communities. However, there has been little discussion in the public management literature regarding access to cultural programs for people with limited disposable income. Although the arts industry is increasingly emphasizing the importance of expanding cultural access for all, we know little about what drives individual nonprofit organizations’ strategies. This article draws on benefits theory and resource dependence theory to explore the relationships between different types of revenue and the extent to which performing arts nonprofits offer free access. The authors use a unique data set compiled by DataArts to test how various types of revenue influence accessibility to the arts and find that performing arts nonprofits receiving grants from local governments, foundations, and corporations offer more free access. The article concludes with a discussion of study implications and an application of benefits theory to other types of nonprofits. 相似文献
199.
An increasing number of citizens change and adapt their party preferences during the electoral campaign. We analyze which short-term factors explain intra-campaign changes in voting preferences, focusing on the visibility and tone of news media reporting and party canvassing. Our analyses rely on an integrative data approach, linking data from media content analysis to public opinion data. This enables us to investigate the relative impact of news media reporting as well as party communication. Inherently, we overcome previously identified methodological problems in the study of communication effects on voting behavior. Our findings reveal that campaigns matter: Especially interpersonal party canvassing increases voters’ likelihood to change their voting preferences in favor of the respective party, whereas media effects are limited to quality news outlets and depend on individual voters’ party ambivalence. 相似文献
200.
E. M. Miltenburg H. G. van de Werfhorst S. Musterd K. Tieskens 《Housing Policy Debate》2018,28(4):609-634
Policymakers have actively pursued urban renewal and dispersal programs to deconcentrate poverty in urban neighborhoods. Relocation strategies lead to new housing opportunities and may encourage employment opportunities for relocated residents if resourceful contacts and job information become more easily available after the move. This study provides an innovative evaluation of the early impacts of involuntary relocation programs in the Netherlands on the housing careers, earnings and employment rates of forced relocatees. It establishes a quasi-experimental design by employing unique longitudinal individual-level population registry data from Statistics Netherlands: forced relocatees are tracked and matched to a control group consisting of similar residents that were not forced to move. A difference-in-difference design shows that forced relocatees are living in less deprived neighborhoods after the move. However, we find no conclusive evidence that this upgrade in housing leads to more socioeconomic opportunities for the forced relocatees. 相似文献