全文获取类型
收费全文 | 13231篇 |
免费 | 115篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 542篇 |
工人农民 | 1230篇 |
世界政治 | 620篇 |
外交国际关系 | 674篇 |
法律 | 6794篇 |
中国共产党 | 2篇 |
中国政治 | 43篇 |
政治理论 | 3398篇 |
综合类 | 43篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 32篇 |
2022年 | 28篇 |
2021年 | 53篇 |
2020年 | 91篇 |
2019年 | 118篇 |
2018年 | 1403篇 |
2017年 | 1366篇 |
2016年 | 1167篇 |
2015年 | 202篇 |
2014年 | 172篇 |
2013年 | 848篇 |
2012年 | 378篇 |
2011年 | 1086篇 |
2010年 | 1137篇 |
2009年 | 716篇 |
2008年 | 876篇 |
2007年 | 851篇 |
2006年 | 153篇 |
2005年 | 212篇 |
2004年 | 295篇 |
2003年 | 256篇 |
2002年 | 176篇 |
2001年 | 102篇 |
2000年 | 115篇 |
1999年 | 94篇 |
1998年 | 82篇 |
1997年 | 80篇 |
1996年 | 71篇 |
1995年 | 86篇 |
1994年 | 84篇 |
1993年 | 57篇 |
1992年 | 46篇 |
1991年 | 59篇 |
1990年 | 44篇 |
1989年 | 60篇 |
1988年 | 31篇 |
1987年 | 39篇 |
1986年 | 46篇 |
1985年 | 45篇 |
1984年 | 47篇 |
1983年 | 59篇 |
1982年 | 54篇 |
1981年 | 56篇 |
1980年 | 37篇 |
1979年 | 51篇 |
1978年 | 47篇 |
1977年 | 29篇 |
1976年 | 34篇 |
1974年 | 20篇 |
1973年 | 24篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
61.
When does the Gender Difference in Rumination Begin? Gender and Age Differences in the Use of Rumination by Adolescents 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
A cross-sectional non-clinical sample of 1,218 adolescents, aged 10–17 years, completed measures of stress, rumination, and
depression to allow tests of the response style theory of S. Nolen-Hoeksema [J Res Adolesc 4:519–534, 1994] in adolescents,
in particular whether increasing levels of stress and rumination in early adolescence are predictive of the onset of the gender
difference in depression. Overall, females reported higher levels of stress, rumination, and depression than males. The onset
of the gender differences in stress and depression occurred at age 13 years, and for rumination one year earlier at 12 years.
Significantly, also from 13 years, rumination explained the gender difference in depression by showing that it significantly
mediated the effect of gender on depression. Gender moderated the rumination to depression relationship; specifically the
association was stronger for females than males. Developmental differences were noted in that rumination significantly mediated
between stress and depression earlier in the age range for females than males. Results supported many of the predictions of
Nolen-Hoeksema’s model of the emergence of a gender difference in adolescent depression.
相似文献
Isobel BrownEmail: |
62.
This study examined the relationship between limited English proficiency status, and internalizing and externalizing behaviors
among a sample of Latino/a children (N = 2,840) from the US Department of Education’s Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten (ECLS-K) data set. Results
of cross sectional regression and hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) analyses suggest that there is a positive relationship
between limited English proficiency and externalizing symptoms, particularly by third grade. Additionally, sex and place of
birth also helped to explain externalizing behaviors at various time points in the models. Place of birth and family poverty
were significantly associated with internalizing symptoms. Implications for future research and interventions related to internalizing
and externalizing behavior among the Latino/a school aged population are discussed.
Beverly Araújo Dawson is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at Adelphi University, New York. She received her doctoral and master’s degree from the University of Michigan and a B.A. in psychology from Hunter College. Her research interests focus on the impact of psychosocial stressors on the mental health of Latino/a immigrants. Sheara Williams is an assistant professor in the Graduate College of Social Work at the University of Houston. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; an M.S.W. from Louisiana State University; and a B.S. from Southern University, A & M. Her research interests focus on psychosocial factors related to school behavior and academic achievement for poor and minority children. 相似文献
Sheara A. WilliamsEmail: |
Beverly Araújo Dawson is an assistant professor in the School of Social Work at Adelphi University, New York. She received her doctoral and master’s degree from the University of Michigan and a B.A. in psychology from Hunter College. Her research interests focus on the impact of psychosocial stressors on the mental health of Latino/a immigrants. Sheara Williams is an assistant professor in the Graduate College of Social Work at the University of Houston. She received her Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill; an M.S.W. from Louisiana State University; and a B.S. from Southern University, A & M. Her research interests focus on psychosocial factors related to school behavior and academic achievement for poor and minority children. 相似文献
63.
Important research programs within New Institutional Economics advance culturalist arguments to explain failures of economic
development. Focusing on the work of Douglass C. North and Avner Greif, this article argues that such arguments rely on an
essentialist conception of culture that is both historically inaccurate and analytically misleading. Greif’s work in particular
rests on a selective use of empirical data that ultimately distorts the deductive models that are at the core of his work.
As a result, both scholars use culture to account for outcomes that are more adequately explained as the product of social
conflict and political struggles—struggles in which culture plays a far more contingent and destabilizing role than the one
they attribute to it. What is needed, I argue, is to link arguments about the persistence of inefficient institutions with
a sociologically informed conception of culture as an ensemble of resources that enhance rather than constrain the scope of individual agency. To come to terms with the effects of culture on institutional formation
and change it is necessary to replace the essentialism articulated by North and Greif with a strategic-instrumentalist view
in which culture is compatible with a wide spectrum of economic behaviors, individual actions, and thus institutional trajectories.
Steven Heydemann is a political scientist whose research focuses on democratization and economic reform in the Middle East, and on the relationship between institutions and economic development more broadly. Heydemann received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1990. He is currently vice president of the Grant and Fellowships Program of the U.S. Institute of Peace, and adjunct professor at Georgetown University. From 2003 to 2007, he directed the Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil Society. He is the author of Authoritarianism in Syria: Institutions and Social Conflict, 1946–1970 (Cornell University Press 1999), and the editor of War, Institutions and Social Change in the Middle East (University of California Press 2000), and of Networks of Privilege in the Middle East: The Politics of Economic Reform Reconsidered (Palgrave 2004). 相似文献
Steven HeydemannEmail: |
Steven Heydemann is a political scientist whose research focuses on democratization and economic reform in the Middle East, and on the relationship between institutions and economic development more broadly. Heydemann received his Ph.D. from the University of Chicago in 1990. He is currently vice president of the Grant and Fellowships Program of the U.S. Institute of Peace, and adjunct professor at Georgetown University. From 2003 to 2007, he directed the Georgetown University Center for Democracy and Civil Society. He is the author of Authoritarianism in Syria: Institutions and Social Conflict, 1946–1970 (Cornell University Press 1999), and the editor of War, Institutions and Social Change in the Middle East (University of California Press 2000), and of Networks of Privilege in the Middle East: The Politics of Economic Reform Reconsidered (Palgrave 2004). 相似文献
64.
Alejandro Portes Lori D. Smith 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2008,43(2):101-128
We review the theoretical literature on the concept of institutions and its relationship to national development, propose
a definition of the concept, and advance six hypotheses about institutional adequacy and contributions to national development.
We then present results of a comparative empirical study of existing institutions in three Latin American countries and examine
their organizational similarities and differences. Employing the qualitative comparative method (QCA) proposed by Ragin, we
then test the six hypotheses. Results converge in showing the importance of meritocracy, immunity to corruption, absence of
“islands of power,” and proactivity in producing effective institutions. Findings strongly support Peter Evans’ theory of
developmental apparatuses.
Alejandro Portes is the Howard Harrison and Gabrielle Snyder Beck Professor of Sociology and director of the Center for Migration and Development at Princeton University. His current research is on the adaptation process of the immigrant second generation and the rise of transnational immigrant communities in the United States. His most recent books, co-authored with Rubén G. Rumbaut, are Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation and Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America (California 2001). Lori D. Smith is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at Princeton University. Her research interests include international development, organizations, and political and economic sociology. 相似文献
Lori D. SmithEmail: |
Alejandro Portes is the Howard Harrison and Gabrielle Snyder Beck Professor of Sociology and director of the Center for Migration and Development at Princeton University. His current research is on the adaptation process of the immigrant second generation and the rise of transnational immigrant communities in the United States. His most recent books, co-authored with Rubén G. Rumbaut, are Legacies: The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation and Ethnicities: Children of Immigrants in America (California 2001). Lori D. Smith is a Ph.D. candidate in sociology at Princeton University. Her research interests include international development, organizations, and political and economic sociology. 相似文献
65.
Stuart Shapiro 《Policy Sciences》2008,41(1):33-49
The notice and comment rulemaking process is a fundamental part of how agencies write regulations. While this process is starting
to receive more empirical attention, the question of how the number of comments that an agency receives affects its decision-making
process has received little examination. This paper uses Boolean analysis to examine nine rules from two agencies at the Department
of Health and Human Services and evaluates the impact of a high volume of comments on agency changes to proposed rules and
the time an agency takes to finalize a proposed rule. These nine cases suggest that agencies are most likely to change their
proposals when they receive a high volume of comments on highly complex rules that are not very politically salient. Highly
complex rules are also likely to take a long time to finalize when there are many public comments however it is often other
factors that cause a long delay between proposed and final rules.
相似文献
Stuart ShapiroEmail: |
66.
Simon Teune 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(3):528-547
Research on protest and social movements has undergone a process of consolidation. However, it has lost visibility in Germany where it was in full bloom in the late 1980s and early 1990s. A review of recent scholarship shows that the analysis of protest and the concept of “social movement” is vital to understand both politics emerging “from below” and the dynamics of political processes. While the focus on societal antagonisms which was central in the interpretation of new social movements has been abandoned, historical and cultural approaches have more and more received attention. 相似文献
67.
This article focuses on whether the provision of 'objectively' correct information to voters about where parties stand on an issue affects their placement of the parties, and ultimately their own position, on that issue. Classic theories of how mass publics make voting decisions assume that voters are able relatively accurately to place themselves and the parties on various issue dimensions. While these assumptions have been challenged, it is generally assumed that the provision of new information makes voters' placements more informed. We explicitly test this idea using a survey experiment focusing on one political issue – European integration. In the experiment, all respondents were twice asked to place the three main British parties and themselves on a bipolar scale of European integration. This was done towards the beginning, and then at the end of the survey. Most respondents were also given information on the 'informed' positions of the parties, derived from expert survey placement. Our analyses indicate that individuals' placements did change, and the tendency was related to both political sophistication and the inherent difficulty of placing the party. Only less sophisticated voters updated their placements, and these changes are concentrated on the placement of the Labour party, where the elite stance on Europe has been more conflicted. For all respondents we do not detect any corresponding changes in self-placement that would be congruent with 'cueing' effects. 相似文献
68.
James A. Chandler 《Political studies》2008,56(2):355-373
It is shown in this article how theories justifying local government in Britain are largely based on the expedience of providing administrative efficiency or stable democracy for the central state rather than ethical grounds that justify local government as an independent entity in its own right. The article critically reviews the development of theories justifying local government within Britain and argues that it is possible on the basis of Mill's arguments within On Liberty to establish a strong ethical justification for local government. It is shown how Mill did not develop this line of thought but established substantive arguments concerning the value of local government for securing a stable liberal democracy and how successive mainstream theorists have modified but not substantially departed from this approach. 相似文献
69.
Opinion Taking within Friendship Networks 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
Suzanne L. Parker Glenn R. Parker James A. McCann 《American journal of political science》2008,52(2):412-420
Communication within friendship networks can provide gains in efficiency that help individuals enrich their understanding of politics. Through two panel survey experiments, we demonstrate that the dissemination of an individual's opinion about the hazards posed by public policies can have both durable and significant effects on the policy judgments of friends. These effects are conditioned by both the content of the communication and the recipient's level of political awareness. Opinions emphasizing potential risks carry more weight than those that attempt to alleviate concerns about potential risks. Moreover, opinion transmission is more effective for subjects who are less politically aware when policy issues are salient; but when the political issue is more esoteric, friends who are more politically aware evidence greater opinion change. 相似文献
70.
Lee H. Igel 《Society》2008,45(6):512-514
Most people mistakenly assume that health care first became a major political issue in 1945 because President Harry S. Truman’s
special address to Congress on Nov. 19 of that year marked the first time a sitting president publicly endorsed a national
health-care program. But the question of whether—or to what extent—it is the responsibility of government to subsidize health
care for its citizens has been around for a much longer amount of time. Now that health care has become a major focus of domestic
political debate, especially in light of the impending presidential election, this article, modified from an entry in the
forthcoming Encyclopedia of Campaigns, Elections, & Electoral Behavior (Sage Publications), serves to inform the reader of the origins and history of health care as a campaign issue.
相似文献
Lee H. IgelEmail: |