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951.
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Robert Ash 《Asia Europe Journal》2003,1(2):281-289
China's continental physical expanse has been a dominant, shaping influence of its political, social and economic development
throughout its modern history. Thanks to its relative ethnic homogeneity, as well as the absence of political reform, it has
– unlike the former Soviet Union – preserved its unity as a state. Nevertheless, regionalism remains a powerful counterpoint
to centralisation in China. In particular, under the impact of post-1978 economic reforms, differentials and tensions between
provinces and regions have emerged as a potent force, threatening the authority and power of Beijing.
This article begins by seeking to explore some of the regional forms in which economic change has manifested itself during
the last two decades. It highlights the unique problems faced by an economy that is still in transition in a country as large
as China. Brief consideration is also given to the wider regional context in which China is sometimes placed as the central
player – namely, that of `Greater China'.
At the heart of the article is a case study that examines the evolution of a particular kind of regionalism, captured in the
economic integration – even symbiosis - between Hong Kong and Guangdong. The question is addressed whether the form of regionalism
contained within the forging of an ever-closer economic relationship between these two areas of South China can be a model
for the integration of other regions both within and across China's national boundaries.
Hong Kong's transformation from a tiny, dependent, colonial enclave into one of the most successful economies in the world
is one of the most remarkable stories of post-World War II economic history. During the 1960s and 1970s, Hong Kong's growth
record was unmatched anywhere else in the world. But by the beginning of the 1980s, high land rents and spiralling wages started
to erode the international competitiveness that had been the basis of Hong Kong's previous economic success. By a happy coincidence,
however, the emergence of such pressures coincided with the opening of China to the outside world. China's `open door' policy
thereby made available to Hong Kong entrepreneurs a huge, hitherto untapped reservoir of cheap labour and gave them access
to inexpensive factory sites just across the border in Guangdong. It was a lifeline to which they responded eagerly and, through
the relocation of their factories, provided the means whereby Hong Kong manufacturers discovered a new lease of life.
The benefits associated with this process accrued not only to Hong Kong through the regeneration of its manufacturing industry.
Rather, it was a two-way process that also facilitated economic growth, structural transformation and improvements in living
standards in Guangdong (above all, in the Pearl River Delta). In short, the process became the basis of deepening integration
between the economies of the two regions. Indeed, it was the key element in the emergence of a new regional economic grouping,
known as `Greater China' – an informal triangular partnership between Hong Kong, Taiwan and two southern Chinese provinces
(Guangdong and Fujian).
The emergence of `Greater China' can be regarded as a particular manifestation of the coastal bias that has so strongly characterised
China's economic trajectory under reform. To this day, the triangular economic nexus between Hong Kong, Taiwan and South China
remains an important dimension of China's external economic relations, even if developments in other coastal provinces have
caused it to weaken. To what extent recent and future developments have challenged and will continue to challenge the regionalism
inherent in the original notion of Greater China is something that deserves close attention. Not least, the strategic initiative
of opening up China's western regions poses interesting and important questions that touch on future developments of `trans-nationalism'
and `trans-regionalism' affecting China. 相似文献
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James R. Lilley 《East Asia》1992,11(3):84-89
Since Tiananmen in June of 1989 when U.S.-Chinese relations hit rock-bottom, the United States and China have gradually expanded
and improved their relationship on the basis of reality, not wishful thinking and hype. At the same time, U.S. and Taiwan
relations have substantially improved while China and Taiwan themselves have created a new atmosphere of economic cooperation.
The new U.S.-China relationship based on human rights, nonproliferation, and trade reciprocity could bring greater stability
but the United States must be on top of the emerging regional economic powerhouse of Taiwan-South China-Hong Kong and not
be distracted by peripheral issues such as conditional MFN. 相似文献
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