首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   4673篇
  免费   199篇
各国政治   278篇
工人农民   141篇
世界政治   443篇
外交国际关系   352篇
法律   1961篇
中国共产党   2篇
中国政治   42篇
政治理论   1601篇
综合类   52篇
  2023年   20篇
  2021年   31篇
  2020年   60篇
  2019年   92篇
  2018年   130篇
  2017年   149篇
  2016年   142篇
  2015年   93篇
  2014年   115篇
  2013年   773篇
  2012年   99篇
  2011年   137篇
  2010年   131篇
  2009年   143篇
  2008年   137篇
  2007年   140篇
  2006年   146篇
  2005年   150篇
  2004年   134篇
  2003年   129篇
  2002年   152篇
  2001年   100篇
  2000年   96篇
  1999年   91篇
  1998年   87篇
  1997年   72篇
  1996年   56篇
  1995年   62篇
  1994年   70篇
  1993年   68篇
  1992年   67篇
  1991年   75篇
  1990年   46篇
  1989年   59篇
  1988年   45篇
  1987年   55篇
  1986年   63篇
  1985年   54篇
  1984年   41篇
  1983年   54篇
  1982年   55篇
  1981年   56篇
  1980年   42篇
  1979年   53篇
  1978年   41篇
  1977年   30篇
  1976年   38篇
  1975年   20篇
  1974年   26篇
  1973年   27篇
排序方式: 共有4872条查询结果,搜索用时 9 毫秒
81.
In April 1994 GASB released Concepts Statement No. 2, Service Efforts and Accomplishments Reporting , bringing required SEA external financial reporting a very large step closer to reality. Before long, public financial officials may be required to annually report measures of performance. We are now about halfway through the experimentation phase established in Statement 2. This article summarizes the status of GASB's SEA experimentation process. It then suggests important behavioral, auditing, and other issues which GASB ought to address before proceeding with any formal pronouncements regarding SEA reporting requirements.  相似文献   
82.
83.
Payne  James E. 《Public Choice》1998,95(3-4):307-320
This paper examines the temporal relationship between revenues and expenditures for the forty-eight contiguous states over an annual period 1942 to 1992. Using an error-correction model, we find that the tax-spend hypothesis is supported for twenty-four states. The spend-tax hypothesis is valid for eight states while the fiscal synchronization hypothesis is supported for eleven states. The remaining five states failed the diagnostic tests for error-correction modeling.  相似文献   
84.
Tang  Eddie Wing Yin  Hedley  R. Alan 《Public Choice》1998,96(3-4):295-323
High-performing economies in the Asia-Pacific region together with only mediocre economic development in Latin America prompts the question of what explains differential economic growth rates among developing countries. Combining a statist perspective with Olson's theory of interest group formation, this research hypothesizes that nations with weak distributional coalitions will more likely experience high growth and state intervention will be effective. Using a longitudinal research design, this secondary analysis involves a comparative and interactive examination of eight Asian-Pacific and twelve Latin American countries. By considering the role of the state in interaction with distributional coalitions in society, the results indicate that approximately two-thirds of the variance in national economic growth is explained.  相似文献   
85.
The purpose of this article is to reconsider the claim made recently by Mondak and Sanders that political tolerance ought to be thought to be a dichotomous rather than continuous variable. Using data from both Russia and the United States, I demonstrate that those Mondak and Sanders regard as uniquely tolerant are most likely no more than people who were given insufficient opportunity to express their intolerance. Even if such a phenomenon of “absolute tolerance” exists (all ideas expressed in all ways are to be tolerated), it is sufficiently rare that few practical implications are indicated for those doing empirical work on political tolerance and intolerance. * I appreciate the valuable comments of Jeffcry Mondak on an earlier version of this paper.  相似文献   
86.
87.
This research note explores the mechanisms behind age differences and changes over time in one of the two major value dimensions in British politics, libertarian-authoritarianism. I show that the British electorate has become substantially more libertarian over the last 30 years, but that older people have remained more authoritarian than younger people over this period. Conventionally, due to the problem of the under-identification of models containing age, period and cohort variables, it is difficult to assess whether this indicates generational differences, and generational change, or not. This paper overcomes some of these problems however, by measuring social ageing factors, such as marriage, and using panel data to rigorously assess how individuals change due to these social ageing factors. I find little evidence of psychologists' claims that social ageing leads to increases in authoritarianism, and conclude that both age differences and changes over time are generational in nature.  相似文献   
88.
Many governmental results-based management systems have not produced the expected positive effects. This article analyzes the reasons for this common disappointment by looking at three components of results-based management—results-specific information, capacities, and incentives—and concludes that incentives are often the least developed. It then synthesizes a simple framework for evaluating the efficacy of results-oriented incentives. To be successful, results-specific incentives must be tailored to fit four program characteristics: timeliness, political environment, clarity of the cause-and-effect chain, and tightness of focus. This framework suggests that some systems put too exclusive an emphasis on budgetary incentives and could be strengthened by emphasizing personnel-system rewards, especially those that look beyond business models.  相似文献   
89.
Renée C. Fox 《Society》2005,42(4):70-76
  相似文献   
90.
Wachman  Alan M. 《East Asia》2005,22(2):31-55
Carto-philatelic imagery illustrates that the “mental map” of China underlying territorial policies of the People's Republic of China is constructed, contingent, and impermanent. Although it has claimed Taiwan by asserting primordial sovereignty, declaring the island to have been part of China “since ancient times,” the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has not always viewed the island as part of China. Although it recognized the independence of Mongolia in 1950, before it came to power as the government of the state the CCP envisioned Mongolia as part of China. Postage stamps issued in territories governed by the CCP before 1949 juxtaposed to stamps issued by the Republic of China government affirm what documents suggest: that China's boundaries have not been immutable and have been highly contested by Chinese political elite. This should prompt readers to view with skepticism categorical claims about China's sovereignty and “territorial integrity.”  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号